6
BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
CHAPTBR 2
MORPHOLOGY
Three major lexical classes of words in Sambal
will be described in this chapter: nominals,
adjectives, and verbs. A fourth class, adverbs, is
described in sec, 5,2.
2.1 Nominals
2.1.1 Case^narking of nominals
Nominals are either marked for case or unmarked.
There are three cases: Nominative, Genitive, and
Oblique. The case form of a nominal indicates what
its grammatical relation is to the verb which
dominates it
(see sec. 3.2), The case form of nouns
is shown by means of a set of case-marking
particles, or case^markers, shown in Chart 4 below.
There are three sets of case-markers that are used
according to whether the noun being marked is
nonpersonal, singular personal, or plural personal.
Also, the Nominative case has both a set of full
forms and a set of minimal forms; their use is
dependent on syntactic position. (On the use of
Nominative (full) case, see sees. 3.3(2b), 4.9, and
5.1.4.)
CHART 4 Case-marking particles
NONPERSONAL
PERSONAL, scj
■4^B— ^-Ba^p^B^k>
NOMINATIVE
(full) (minlnial)
GENITIVE
hay
^i^
hi
hill
-^
ya
hi
nin
OB LIQUE
ni
M
ta^Hl^^rtl
koni
hill
mil
konli
(The case-marker y^ has an optional phonological
variant, -y, which attaches to a preceding word
ending in the vowels a, e, or o. The case-marker
nin has an optional pHonological variant, -n, which
MORPHOLOGY
attaches to a preceding word ending in any vowel.)
The case-marker precedes the noun it marks:
ya anak
NM child
ni Jose
GM
ha gahak
CM field
'the child*
'of /by Jose'
'to/from/at the field"
2.1.2 Personal pronouns
Personal pronouns are obligatorily marked for
case. Their case form is indicated by inflection,
rather than marking particles. Chart 5 shows the
personal pronouns according to the categories of
case, person, and number.
CHART 5 Perscxial pronouns
CASE
NOMINATIVE
(full) (minimal)
GENITIVE
OBLIQUE
1 SINGULAR
z
PERSON
1
hiko
-ako,
ko
ko
kongko
•I'
1 + 2
hita
ta
ta
konta
'I and
you'
2
hika
ka
mo
koroo
'you'
3
hiya
ya
na
kona
•fie/she'
a
1
hikayi
kayi
nawen
konnawen
'we'
1 + 2
hi tamo
tamo
tamo
kontamo
'we and
you'
2
hikawo
kawo
moyo, yo
kcanoyo
'you'
3
hila
hila
la
konla
'they'
(The first person singular Nominative (minimal)
pronoun has two forms: -ako occurs following a word
ending in a consonant; ko occurs following a word
ending in a vowel.)
8
BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
In addition to these pronouns, there are two
composite pronouns that combine the functions of
the first person singular Genitive form with the
second person singular and second person plural
Nominative (minimal) forms:
kata •I-you(sg.) ' f from ko ka
katawo 'I-you{pl.) ' , frcan ^ kawo
The forms ko ka and ko kawo are ungraramatical and
must be replaced by tEe appropriate composite
pronoun.
2.1.3 Deictic pronouns
The deictic, or demonstrative, pronouns are
obligatorily inflected for case; the Genitive
forms, however, are realized as the Nominative
(full) deictic pronouns marked by the Genitive
case-marking particle. The deictic pronouns
distinguish three degrees of proximity, as shown in
Chart 6. The two forms given for each pronoun are
free alternates.
CHART 6 Deictic
pronouns
NOMINATIVE
(full) (minimal)
GKNITIVE
OBLIQUE
habayti,
hat I
bayti
yati
nin habayti,
nin hati
bayri,
di
• this •
(near speaker)
haba-in,
ha- in
ba-in,
ya-in
nin haba-in,
nin ha-in
bahen,
hen
'that'
(near hearer)
habayto,
ha to
bay to,
yato
nin habayto,
nin hato
bayro,
do
'that'
(far from both)
When functioning as locative adverbs, the Oblique
deictic pronouns are better translated as 'here',
'there', and 'there'.
MORPHOLOGY
2.1.4 Interrogative pronouns
Interrogative pronouns substitute for nominal
predicates or adverbial phrases:
hi no 'who'
ayri 'where'
nakano 'when (past) '
makano 'when (future) '
anya 'what'
ant^ 'why'
ongno 'how many /much' (quantity, price)
pangno 'how' (manner)
komosta 'how' (quality)
2.1.5 Indefinite pronouns
The indefinite pronouns are formed by the
addition of the suffix - man to the interrogative
pronouns:
anyaman 'whatever, anything, something'
hinoman 'whoever, anybody, somebody'
ay ripaman ' wherever '
2.1.6 Plural ization
Nonpersonal nouns are pluralized by attaching a
prefix composed of the first consonant of the noun
base plus the form -aw-:
lapis 'pencil' lawlapis 'pencils'
dowih 'thorn' dawdowih 'thorns'
If a noun base begins with a vowel, the unwritten
initial glottal stop functions as a consonant:
anak 'child' aw-anak 'children'
otan 'snake' aw-otan 'snakes'
Personal nouns are pluralized by means of the
personal plural case-marking particles:
hili Juan 'John (and the others) '
10 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
2.1.7 Derived nouns
Word bases can form derived nouns by the addition
of derivational affixes and/or reduplication of the
first CV of the base T'he following listing gives
some of the most common nominal derivations.
(1) ka - + base + -^ forms an abstract noun from
the ba¥e:
la-et
'evil'
kala-etan
'evil'
irap
•poor'
ka-irapan
'poverty'
loko
'to cheat'
kalokowan
•mischief
liga
' happy '
kaligawan
•happiness'
(2) base + -an designates a place associated with
what is specified in the base:
tanaman 'plant' tanamanan 'place to plant'
panabon 'burial' panabonan 'burial place'
(3) ka- + base designates two people associated
in a reciprocal relationship suggested by the base:
pariho 'same' kapariho 'co-equal, peer'
baryo 'barrio' kabaryo 'barrio co-member'
kahal 'marriage' kakahal 'bride/groom'
(4) mi - + base or mita - + base designates two
people in an intimate kinship or social
relationship:
ahawa 'spouse' mita-ahawa 'husband and wife'
amigo 'friend' mi-amigo 'friends'
anak 'child' mita-anak 'parent and child'
tatay 'father' mitatatay 'father and child'
(5) mi- + dup 4- base or mitata - + base
designates more than two people in an intimate
kinship or social relationship:
MORPHOLOGY
11
patel 'sibling*
ami go 'friend'
anak 'child'
bayaw 'brother-in-
law'
mipapatel
mi-a-cunigo
mitata-anak
mitatabayaw
'siblings'
'friends'
'parent and
children'
'brothers-in-
law'
(6) niang - + dup + base designates a person who is
associated with or performs the action specified by
the base. Note that with certain bases the -ng- of
the prefix coalesces with the first consonant of
the base. The reduplicated syllable is composed of
the new consonant produced by coalescence plus the
first vowel of the base.
tapon
'to
throw'
mananapon
'a
thrower '
tikap
•to
search '
maninikap
'a
searcher '
haliw
'to
buy'
mananaliw
'a
buyer'
kolam
'to
bewitch'
mangkokolam
'a
witch'
(7) A fully reduplicated base designates a
diminutive or make-believe object:
anak 'child'
tawo 'person'
bali 'house'
anak-anak 'doll'
tawotawo 'scarecrow'
balibali 'playhouse'
2.2 Adjectives
2.2.1 Adjective foriBation
Some word bases function as adjectives with no
affixation:
katowci
bitil
hariw^
'ugly, bad'
'hungry'
'fresh'
The majority of adjectives are formed by prefixing
a noun base with ma-. The ma - prefix indicates an
abundance of the property designated by the base:
ganda ' beauty ' maganda
linis 'cleanliness' malinis
yaman 'wealth' mayaman
'beautiful'
'clean'
'wealthy'
12
BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
2.2.2 Plural izat ion
Adjectives can be marked for plural number. With
ma- adjectives the form - nga - is infixed between
tHe ma- prefix and the base:
mangaganda
mangalinis
mangayaman
'beautiful'
'clean*
'wealthy'
Unaffixed adjectives are pluralized by adding a
prefix composed of the first letter of the base
plus the form -aw- (cf. sec. 2.1.6 on plural izat ion
of nouns) :
kawkatowS
hawhariwck
'ugly, bad'
'fresh'
2.2.3 Superlative degree
A ma- adjective or unaffixed adjective forms the
superlative degree by prefixing the form pinaka-:
mabli
hariwcl
'expensive
fresh'
pinakamabli 'most expensive'
pinakahariw^ 'freshest'
2.2.4 Numerals
Five types of numerals will be described here:
cardinal, ordinal, distributive, restrictive, and
grouping.
(1) The cardinal numbers from one to nine are as
follows:
miha
Iowa
tatlo
apat
lima
'one'
'two'
' three '
'four'
'five'
anem
'six'
pi to
'seven'
walo
'eight'
siyam
'nine'
Multiples of ten are formed by adding -p6 ' times
ten' to the simple cardinal numbers. A linker (-m.
MORPHOLOGY
iJ
-n, or -ng- after a vowel; -a- after a consonant)
is used to join the numeral base and the
multiplier.
map6 (irreg.)
lowamp6
tatlcanp6
apatap6
1 imampd
'ten'
'twenty'
'thirty'
'forty'
'fifty'
anemap6
pitomp6
walomp6
siyamap6
'sixty'
' seventy'
'eighty'
' ninety'
The numerals eleven to nineteen are composed of
labi plus linker plus numeral base:
labimmiha
labinlowa
labintatlo
labin-apat
labinlima
'eleven'
' twelve '
'thirteen'
'fourteen'
'fifteen'
lab in -an em
labimpito
labinwalo
labinsiyam
'sixteen'
'seventeen'
'eighteen'
'nineteen'
Multiples of one hundred are expressed by gato
' times one hundred ' :
magato (irreg.)
lowangga to
tatlonggato
' one hundr ed '
'two hundred'
'three hundred'
Libo means 'one thousand' .
(2) The ordinal numbers are formed by prefixing
ika - to the numeral base (except for the ordinal
meaning 'first', which is borrowed from Spanish):
primiro/primira "i
ono/ona J
ikalowa
ikatatlo
ika-apat
'first'
' second '
•third'
'fourth
(3) The distributive numerals are formed by
prefixing ti- 'each, apiece' to the numeral base;
ti-iha (irreg.)
tilowa
titatlo
'one each'
' two each '
'three each'
14 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
(4) The restrictive numerals are formed by
reduplicating the first CV of the numeral base:
mimiha 'only one'
lolowa 'only two'
tatatlo 'only three'
(5) The grouping numerals are formed by fully
reduplicating the numeral base:
mihamiha 'one by one'
Iowa Iowa 'two by two'
tatlotatlo 'three by three'
or by prefixing the form mani - to the numeral base:
mani-iha (irreg.) 'one at a time'
manilowa "two at a time'
manitatlo 'three at a time'
2.3 Verbs
Verbs are morphologically distinguished from
other lexical classes by their inflection for
registration and aspect.
2.3.1 Registration
Registration is a system of verb marking by which
the initial grammatical relation of the subject
nominal is registered in the verb by affixes. By
the process of promotion, nominals bearing certain
non-subject initial grammatical relations can
become the final subject (for a fuller description
of the promotion to subject process, see sec. 5.1).
For example, if an initial direct object is
promoted to subject, a particular verbal affix
registers the fact that the final subject nominal
was an initial direct object. If no promotion to
subject process has been applied, then the verbal
affix registers that the subject nominal is an
initial subject. The initial grammatical relations
that can be registered in the verb are the
MORPHOLOGY
15
following: subject, direct object, indirect object,
locative, benefactive, and instrumental.
2.3.2 Indicative verbs
The following sections describe the affixes which
register initial grammatical relations in
Indicative verbs.
(1) Initial subjects are registered in the verb
by the affixes -am-, ma-, mag-, mang - , and mangi -.
The infix -om- is used with intransitive and
semi transitive verbs (see sec. 3.2 on verb"
classes) :
lomateng
pomahok
mowako
mowayo
•to arrive'
' to enter '
'to walk'
'to run'
As is illustrated in the last two examples, -om-
undergoes a morphophonemic change to become the
prefix mo- with bases beginning with ow
(phonemlcally /w/) .
The affixes -om- and ma- both form intransitive
change of state verbs in which the initial subject
is semantically a patient. Some bases can be
affixed with either -om- or ma- with no apparent
difference in meaning. Most of the bases that form
ma - verbs can also be used as unaffixed adjectives.
Examples are:
gomanda
bomitil
malimo
mapakil
' to become beau t i f u 1 '
'to become hungry'
'to
'to
become scared '
become tired'
The prefix mag - forms intransitive verbs by
verbalizing nouns. Examples are:
raagbaskitbol
magpansit
magtagalog
'to play basketball'
'to make pansit'
' to speak Tagalog '
16 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Mag - can also be interchangeable with -the mang - and
mangi - affixes:
"^"j^ > 'to clean*
manlinis f
mag-aboloy 1 ,^ ^^^^ compassion, give help'
mangi-abol^>y J c > ^ c
The prefixes mang - and mangi - are the most
productive affixes of this set. Mangi - only occurs
with verbs that take the affix i^- for its direct
object registration (see next section below) .
Related to this is the fact that mang i - verbs are
typically bitransitive (see sec. 3.2) , and may be
lexically related to transitive verbs with mang - or
mag- affixes. For example, mang i-alsa means ' to
move something to somewhere', but mangalsa means
just 'to move something'.
The final ng^ consonant of the mang - prefix
assimilates to the point of articulation of the
following consonant according to these rules:
mang - becomes mam- preceding £, b, and m;
mang - becomes man - preceding _t, 3, n, s, 1,
r, w, Y.' llf and glottal;
mang- remains mang - preceding k, 3, and ng .
Examples are:
mambih 'to give'
manyat6 'to harvest rice'
manggawci 'to do, make'
Alternatively, the final nc[ of mang - may coalesce
with the following consonant according to these
rules:
mang - + £ or b becomes mam -;
mang - + t, d, s, or h becomes man -;
mang - + ^, £, or glottal becomes mang -.
i MORPHOLOGY
17
Examples are :
mang- + bay ad
raang- + tanem
roang- + gatgat
mamayad
mananem
manga tg at
•to pay for'
•to plant'
'to chew food'
Some vowel initial bases do not take an overt
registration affix, but simply prefix the aspect
markers, m-, n-, and amp - (see sec. 2.3.9):
minom (from inom )
mikn6 (from ikn5)
mireng (from ireng )
•to drink'
'to sit'
' to stand '
(2) Subjects that are derived from an initial
direct object are registered by the affixes -en,
and -an. The suffix -en is typically used witF~
verbs whose initial dTrect objects are directly
affected by the action:
1-
inomen
lagari-en
patyen
kanen
haliwen
'to drink (x) '
' to saw (x) '
'to kill (X) '
•to eat (x) '
'to buy (x) '
The prefix i- is primarily used with bitransitive
verbs, i.e. verbs that take both an initial direct
object and indirect object. Examples are:
ipahok 'to bring in (x) '
ilikol 'to take out (x) '
itapon •to throw (x) •
itanem 'to plant (x) '
The suffix -an is used with verbs which denote
that only the surface or appearance of the initial
direct object is affected:
oyahan ' to wash (x : dishes) '
tawahan 'to rinse (x) '
linisan 'to clean (x) '
18 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Alternatively, it may be that the direct objects of
these verbs are derived from an initial indirect
object that has obligatorily been advanced to the
direct object relation. This analysis gives the
suffix -an, which typically registers subjects
derived Trom initial indirect objects, a more
unitary function.
(3) Subjects that are derived from an initial
indirect object are registered by the suffix -an.
Semantfcally , indirect objects indicate the source
or goal of the action, i.e. the place, person, or
thing toward which or from which the action is
related:
taponan 'to throw to (x) '
biyan 'to give to (x) '
alihan 'to leave from (x) '
The suffix - an has the related forms pag -. . .-an,
f ang -. . .-an, and pangi -. . .-an corresponding to the
nitial suBject registration affixes mag -, mang - ,
and mangi -, respectively. Examples are:
paglako-an ' to peddle to (x) '
pangalihan 'to remove from (x) '
pangipahokan 'to take in to (x) '
(4) Subjects that are derived from an initial
locative are registered by the affixes pag-... -an,
panel- ... -an , and pangi -. . .-an. Locatives denote a
locus or p!l"ace where the ac'ETon happens. Locatives
are not nuclear to the meaning of the verb, whereas
indirect objects that denote locations are always
nuclear. Examples are:
pamatyan 'to kill in/at (x) ' (base: pati )
panoro-an 'to teach in/at (x)'{base: torS )
paglagari-an 'to saw in/at (x) '
(5) Subjects that are derived from an initial
benefactive are registered by the affixes pag-,
ipang-/pang- , and ipangi-/pangi -. The affixes
separated by a slash are free variants.
MORPHOLOGY 19
Benefactives denote the person for whose behefit
the action is performed. Examples are:
Si } 'toklllfor ,XC
Ipangitapon 'to throw for (x) '
(6) Subjects that are derived from an initial
instrumental are registered by the affix
i pang -/pang -. Instrumentals denote the instrument
u sed to per f orm an action. Examples are:
ipamati 'to kill with (x) '
ipangalih ' to remove with (x) '
ipanikap 'to earn money with (x) ' (base: tikap )
2.3.3 Causative-Indicative verbs
Causative-Indicative verbs are a subclass of
Indicative verbs that are formed by affixing the
derivational prefix pa - to a verb base. The
resulting meaning can be translated as an agent
causing or permitting the action denoted by the
verb base. The registration affixes are as follows.
(1) Initial subjects are registered by the
affixes mag -r mang-, and mangi -. All three affixes
indicate that the initial subject is the agent
causing or permitting the action of the verb. The
sequence mang - plus pa - becomes mama - . Examples
are:
magpaganda 'to cause/permit to become beautiful'
mamalot6 'to cause/permit to cook'
mangipabiliw 'to cause/permit to look at'
(2) Subjects derived from an initial direct
object are registered by the affixes -en and J.-.
The suffix - en is used with transitive verbs and
indicates that the derived subject is an affected
20 BOl'OLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
object or person, typically involving a change of
state. Examples are:
pataba-en 'to cause/permit (x) to become fat*
patobo-en 'to cause/permit (x) to grow'
palak-en 'to cause/permit (x) to increase'
The prefix i- is used with bitransitive verbs and
indicates that the derived subject is an affected
object:
ipapati 'to cause/permit to kill (x) '
ipatapon 'to cause/permit to throw (x) '
ipalinis 'to cause/permit to clean (x) '
(3) Subjects derived from an initial indirect
object are registered by the affixes -en and
^~ — ~ a"/~a" ' The suffix -en indicates that the
dierived subject is the person being caused or
permitted by the agent to perform the action:
paloto-en 'to cause/permit (x) to cook'
pabiliwen 'to cause/permit (x) to look at'
papatyen 'to cause/permit (x) to kill'
The affixes i-. . .- an/-an (free variants) indicate
that the derTved subject is a source or goal of the
action:
ipatrjponan 'to cause/permit to throw to (x) '
ipa-alihan 'to cause/permit to remove from (x) '
(For a description of the syntax of sentences with
Causative-Indicative verbs, see sec. 4.3.)
2.3.4 Aptative verbs
Aptative verbs express the closely related
meanings of ability, opportunity, and involuntary
action. These three senses may be differentiated as
follows.
MORPHOLOGY 21
(1) Aptative verbs can indicate the internal,
Innate ability of an actor to perform a certain
action. For example:
roakakanta ' to be able to sing '
makalotft ' to be able to cook '
makapagbaskitbol 'to be able to play basketball'
(2) Aptative verbs can indicate that an actor has
the opportunity to perform an action, i.e. that
external circumstances (not innate ability)
permitted the actor to perform the action. This
sense is indicated by vowel lengthening in Aptative
prefix, to produce /maka:/ and /ma:/. For example:
makShaliw 'to have opportunity to buy'
inS-ekan 'to have opportunity to eat (x) '
(3) Aptative verbs can indicate that an actor
involuntarily, unintentionally, or accidentally
performs an action. This sense is indicated by
vowel lengthening identical with (2) ; a given form
is therefore potentially cimbiguous, and can only be
disambiguated by reference to the context. Examples
are:
makShaliw 'to unintentionally buy'
mS-ekan 'to unintentionally eat (x) '
Initial subjects of Aptative verbs are registered
by the affixes maka - and makapag -. They correspond
to the registration affixes of Indicative verbs as
follows:
Indicative Aptative
base + -om- maka- + base
mang - + base maka - + base
mangi - + base maka- + base
maka- + base
, . r maka- + base
mag- + base < — -, — . .
— - \ makapag - + base
Examples are
•
•
Indicative
Aptative
pomahok
makapahok
'to
be
able
to enter '
manaliw
makahaliw
•to
be
able
to buy'
mangitapon
makatapon
•to
be
able
to throw'
mag -11 bah
maka-ilbah
•to
be
able
to wash
clothes •
magpansit
makapagpansit
•to
be
able
to make
pansit'
Derived subjects of Aptative verbs are registered
by the affixes ma-, ma-i -, and ma-... -an. They
correspond to tHe registration affixes of
Indicative verbs as follows:
Indicative
base + -en
i- + base
Ease + -an
Aptative
ma- + base
ma-i - + base
ma- + base + -an
Examples are:
Indicative
haliwen
itapon
ilbahan
taponan
J^ptative
mahaliw
ma- itapon
ma- ilbahan
mataponan
' to be able to buy (x) '
• to be able to throw (x)
'to be able to wash (x:
clothes)
' to be able to throw to
(X)
The ma- - an affix has the related forms
mapag - . . . -an , mapang -. . .-an, and mapangi -. . .
corresponding to the Indicative forms pag-. .
pang -. . .-an, and pangi -. . .-an, respectively.
2.3.5 Social verbs
-an
, -an,
Social verbs are used (1) to express a polite
request, and (2) to express action that is
performed together with another person or persons.
MORPHOLOGY 23
either in the sense of accompaniment or reciprocal
action. Examples of (1) are:
maki-alih 'to remove by request' (Ind: mangalih )
makitikap 'to look for by request' (Ind; manikap )
Examples of (2) are:
makilako 'to go with someone' (Ind: maglako)
makipati 'to kill each other' (Ind: magpati )
Initial subjects of Social verbs are regrstered
by the affix maki-. The above examples illustrate
this affix.
Derived subjects of Social verbs are registered
by the affixes ipaki-/paki - and
i pak i - . . . - an/pak 1 - . . . -an . Examples are:
Indicative Social
alihen (i)paki-alih 'to remove (x) by
request'
itapon (i)pakitapon 'to throw (x) by
request'
pangalihan (i)paki-alihan 'to remove from (x) by
request '
taponan (i)pakitaponan 'to throw to (x) by
request'
2.3.6 Reciprocal verbs
Reciprocal verbs express an action which is
performed reciprocally, i.e. the performers do the
action to or with each other. Initial subjects of
Reciprocal verbs are registered by the affix mi-.
If the number of actors involved is three or more,
the first CV of the base is reduplicated. Examples
are:
!!!J™L^ y 'to kill each other'
mi papa ti J
mita?a^n } ' ^° ^^row to each other'
mitaSay} ' ^° ^^^P ^^^^ ''^^^''
24 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Derived subjects of Reciprocal verbs are registered
by the complex affix pi-. ..-an. The subject can be
derived from an initial direct object:
pitaponan 'to throw (x) to each other'
or from an initial referential relation (see sec.
5.2.3(7)) :
pi-ilgowan 'to talk to each other about (x) '
2.3.7 Nonagentive verbs
Nonagentive verbs are distinguished by the
following characteristics: (1) they typically
express actions, i.e. not changes of state; (2) the
nominal realizing the semantic role affected object
or patient bears the initial subject relation; and
(3) no semantic agent role can be expressed within
the bounds of the immediate clause. Initial
subjects of Nonagentive verbs are registered by the
affix mi-:
mitapon 'to be thrown*
mi-alih 'to be removed'
Subjects derived from an initial object are
registered by the affix pi-. . .-an;
pitaponan 'to be thrown to (x) '
pL-alihan 'to be removed from (x) '
Note that since the forms of Reciprocal verbs and
Nonagentive verbs are identical, these verbs are
ambiguous out of context.
2.3.8 Pluralized verbs
Pluralized verbs indicate that the action of the
verb is performed by more than one actor. Only
verbs registering initial subjects may be
pluralized. The registration affixes of Pluralized
MORPHOLOGY
verbs corresponds to those of Indicativeverbs as
follows:
Indicative Pluralized
mag - + base mipag - + base
base + -om- \ . , ,
mang- + bSse / 51iE^- + base
mipangi - + base
25
mangi - + base
Examples of pluralized verbs are:
Indicative Pluralized
mog-alih mipog-alih 'to leave'
manlot6 mipanlot6 ' to cook '
mangihakay mipangihakay 'to load'
2.3.9 Aspect
Verbs are inflected for three aspects:
Contemplated, Perfective, and Imperfective.
(1) Ccmtemplated aspect denotes action that has
not yet begun, such as future events and
imperatives. It is regularly translated as English
future tense and imperative mood. Contemplated
aspect is indicated by the aspect marker m- in the
verbal affixes ma-, mag -, mang - , mangi -, maka -,
maki-, mi-, and their derivatives. With Indicative
verbs aTFixed with -om-, -en, J.-, and -an,
Contemplated aspect lias no overt morphological
marking. All the verbs cited as examples in
sections 2.3.1 to 2.3.8 are in Contemplated aspect,
(2) Perfective aspect denotes action that has
begun and is completed. It is regularly translated
as English past tense. Perfective aspect is
indicated by the aspect marker n- in the verbal
affixes na-, nag -, nang -, nangi-, naka -, naki -,
ni-, and their derivatives. Examples are:
Contemplated
mapakil
mangalih
makalot6
makilako
mipati
Perfective
napakil
nangalih
nakalot6
nakilako
nipati
•to
'to
'to
•to
•to
become tired'
remove '
be able to cook'
go wi th someone '
kill each other'
26
BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
With verbs affixed with any other affix (except i^-,
described below) , Perfective aspect is indicated by
the affix -in-. If the verb is consonant initial,
-in- is infTxed in the first syllable before the
vowel. If the verb is vowel initial, in - is simply
prefixed. Examples are:
Ccmtenplated Perfective
pomahok pinomahok
hakyan hinakyan
oyahan inoyahan
alihan inalihan
'to enter'
'to ride on (x) '
'to wash (x: dishes)'
'to leave from (x) '
When -in- is affixed to a base beginning with 1 or
^, it metathesizes to ni - and is prefixed:
nilinisan
niyomaman
' to clean (x) '
' to become rich'
The registration affix -en does not co-occur with
the Perfective aspect affix -in-. In Perfective
aspect the -en affix is dropped, and the -in- affix
simultaneously signals direct object registration
and Perfective aspect. Examples are:
Contemplated
alihen
haliwen
gamiten
layonen
Perfective
inalih
hinaliw
ginamit
nilayon
' to remove (x) '
'to buy (x) '
'to use (x) '
'to be an earthquake'
Verbs beginning with the affix i- form the
Perfective aspect by infixing the marker -n-
directly after the i-. The affix -n- assimTlates to
the point of articulation of the following
consonant: it becomes -m- before bilabial stops and
the bilabial nasal, and -ng- before velar stops and
the velar nasal; it remains -n- before all other
consonants. Examples are:
Contemplated
i tanem
ipahok
ikarga
Perfective
intanem
impahok
ingkarga
'to plant (X) '
'to bring in (x) '
' to load (X) '
MORPHOLOGY
27
(3) In5)erfective aspect denotes action that has
begun but is not yet completed. It is regularly
translated as English progressive aspect.
Imperfective aspect is indicated by the
Imperfective aspect marker an-, which is prefixed
to the verb stem. The prefix an- has the alternate
forms cim- and ang -; they are produced by
assimiTation to the following consonant in
environments identical to those given above for the
Perfective aspect marker -n-.
There are two ways of forming the verb stem for
Imperfective aspect. First, the verb stemcan be
derived from the Contemplated aspect by replacing
the aspect marker m- with £-, producing the forms
pag -, pang-, pangi -, paka -, paki -, and pi-. Other
verbs that do not take an m- type affix make no
change in the Contemplated aspect verb stem.
Examples are:
Contemplated
1 Imperfective
maglinis
ampaglinis
'to clean'
manggawck
ampanggaw^
'to do, make'
makakanta
ajiipakakanta
'to be able to sing'
Icwiateng
anlomateng
'to come, arrive'
itanem
an- itanem
•to plant (X) '
Second, verbs affixed with ma- (i.e. intransitive
change state verbs (sec. 2.T72(1)) and
non-subject-registration aptative verbs (sec.
2.3.4)) form the stem for Imperfective aspect by
replacing the ma - affix with ka-. Examples are:
Ccxitemplated
malimo
mahaliw
Imperfective
angkalimo
angkahaliw
' to become scared '
'to be able to
buy (x) '
' to be able to
throw (x) '
mapangitamnan angkapangitamnan 'to be able to
plant in/at (x) '
ma-itapon
angka-itapon
28
BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
The following chart is a summary of the basic
aspect formations. The letter B in the formulas
stands for verb base.
CHART 7 Suimary of aspect formation
CONTEMPIATRD
ma- + B
mag- + B
mang- + B
mangi- + B
maka- + B
maki- + B
mi- + B
-om- + B
B + -en
i- f B
B + -an
pag- +B+ -an
PERFECTIVE
na- + B
nag- + b
nang- + B
nangi- + B
naka- + B
naki- + B
ni- + B
-in- + -cm-
+ B
-in-
i- +
-in-
-in-
+ B
-n- f B
+ B + -an
+ pag- +B+
IMPERFECTIVE
ang- + ka- + B
am- + pag- + B
am- + pang- + B
am- + pangi- + B
am- + paka- + B
am- + paki- + B
am- + pi- + B
an- + -om- + B
an- + B + -en
an- + i- + B
an- + B + -an
-an am- + pag- +B+ -an
STRUCTURE OF BASIC SENTENCES I'i
CHAPTER 3
STRDCTDRE OF BASIC SENTENCES
3.1 General characteristics
Basic sentences are the simplest, complete
sentences from which all more complex sentences are
derived. Basic sentences have the following general
charac ter is t ics :
(1) They are composed of only one clause f there
is only one finite verb, and no expansion by
conjunction or embedding.
(2) The basic sentence components (i.e. the
predicate and its nominals) are minimally
specified; they are not modified by adjectives or
adverbs.
(3) They are affirmative (i.e. not negative).
(4) They are declarative (i.e. not interrogative.
Imperative, or exclamatory) .
(5) They manifest initial grammatical relations
only.
(6) They have normal word order (i.e. no
inversion) .
All other sentence structures are derived from
basic sentences. Derived sentences may be related
to basic sentences in two ways. (1) They may be
related to basic sentences by syntactic processes.
Some general sentence processes are covered in
chapter 4. (2) They may be expansions of basic
sentences. Strategies of sentence expansion are
covered primarily in chapter 5. Chapter 6 describes
certain complex sentence types that involve
coordination, adverbial clauses, and complement
clauses.
The present chapter will describe the structure
of basic sentences. Basic sentences are of two
types: verbal (sec. 3.2) and nonverbal (sec. 3.3) .
3.2 Verbal basic sentences
The minimal components of a verbal basic sentence
are a verbal predicate and its specified nominals.
30 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
A small set of verbal sentences is composed of only
a predicate; these are phenomenal predicates, which
express ambient conditions and natural phenomena
such as rain, wind, and earthquakes. Examples are:
Ampangoran.
raining
'It's raining. '
Ampangangin.
wind is blowing
'The wind is blowing. '
All other verbal predicates specify from one to
three nominals which realize initial granmatical
relaticms. The nuclear grammatical relations which
compose basic sentences are subject, direct object,
and indirect object. All other initial grammatical
relations, such as locative, benefactive, and
instrumental, are nonnuclear and typically form
expanded sentences. Initial grammatical relations
are established in the following way.
Semantically, the nominals specified by a verb
are related to it by realizing semantic roles such
as agent, experiencer, patient, source, goal,
locative, benefactive, instrumental, and so on.
These semantic roles are systematically mapped onto
the initial grammatical relations. The details of
this mapping process are probably
language-specific, but there are certain universal
tendencies about which roles typically map onto
which grammatical relations. For example, if there
is an agent, patient, and goal specified by the
predicate, they will typically take the subject,
direct object, and indirect object relations,
respectively. Or, if there is no agent or
experiencer specified by the predicate, the patient
will take the subject relation. Thus it happens
that the subject realizes several diverse semantic
roles. The direct object, however, realizes a
narrower range of roles than the subject, and the
indirect object in turn has a narrower range than
STRUCTURE OF BASIC SENTENCES 31
the direct object. The nonnuclear grammatical
lelations are quite restricted in their range of
semantic roles, and are hence given cover-terms
that suggest their typical semantic content, such
as locative, benefactive, and instrumental.
The nuclear grammatical relations of subject,
direct object, and indirect object are signaled by
nominal case-marking, as described below.
(1) The subject nominal of a basic sentence is in
Nominative (minimal) case. No other component of a
basic sentence is marked by Nominative case. The
subject may be a nonpersonal noun marked by ya, a
personal pronoun marked by hi, or a personal or
rieictic pronoun inflected for Nominative (minimal)
case. Examples are:
Namati ^ lalak i nin baboy.
killed NM man " OA pig
'The man killed a pig.'
Namati hi Juan nin baboy.
'Juan kTTled a pig.'
Namati ^ nin baboy.
'He killed a pig. '
Namati bayt i nin baboy.
'This (one) killed a pig.'
The subject is typically interpreted as definite,
i.e. the referent of the subject nominal is
identifiable. When the subject is a personal noun,
pronoun, or deictic pronoun, it is inherently
definite; when the subject is a nonpersonal noun,
it is regularly translated by the definite article
• the ' .
(2) The direct object nominal can be marked by
either Genitive case or Oblique case. A Genitive
case-marked direct object may be either indefinite
or definite, while an Oblique case-marked direct
object must be definite. Few verbs, however, accept
an Oblique case-marked direct object in a basic
32 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
sentence. Oblique case-marked direct objects do
regularly occur in certain derived structures such
as nominalizations (see sec. 5.1.5). Since personal
nouns and personal pronouns are inherently
definite, they can only be marked by Oblique case
when functioning as direct objects. Nonpersonal
nouns and deictic pronouns can be marked by either
Genitive or Oblique case when functioning as direct
objects. Examples of direct objects in basic
sentences are:
Nanaliw hi Maria nin manok .
bought NM GM chicken
'Maria bought a chicken.'
Nanaliw hi Maria nin habayti .
'Maria bought some of this. '
(3) The indirect object nominal is marked by
oblique case. It typically has definite reference,
but with nonpersonal nouns can be interpreted as
indefinite. The indirect object can be a
nonpersonal noun marked by ha, a personal noun
marked by koni , or a personal or deictic pronoun
inflected for Oblique case. Examples are:
Nambl hi Jose nin libro lia anak.
gave NM GM book CM child
'Jose gave a book to a/ the child.'
Nambi hi Jose nin libro koni Maria .
'Jose gave a book to Maria. '
Nambi hi Jose nin libro kona.
'Jose gave a book to him.
T
Nambi hi Jose nin libro bayro.
'Jose gave a book to that place (e.g. to
the school)
STRUCTURE OF BASIC SENTENCES 33
The nuclear grammatical relations classify verbs
as follows:
(1) Verbs that specify only a subject are
intransitive.
(2) Verbs that specify a subject and a direct
object are transitive.
(3) Verbs that specify a subject and an indirect
object are semi transitive.
(4) Verbs that specify a subject, a direct
object, and an indirect object are bi transitive.
3.3 Nonverbal basic sentences
Nonverbal basic sentences are composed of a
nonverbal predicate plus a subject nominal (except
for a few subjectless phenomenal predicates and
existential predicates) . Nonverbal predicates
include the following types of word structure.
(1) Adjectives.
(a) Descriptive adjectives:
Malhay ya bali.
big NM house.
'The house is big. '
Matamlad hi Juan,
lazy NM
'Juan is lazy.'
(b) Phenomenal adjectives:
Ma-amot.
hot
'It's hot.'
(c) Numerals:
Lima ya aw-anak .
five NM children
'The children are five,' or
'There are five children.'
34 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
(d) Lcx:ative Adjectives. The locative
adjectives anto and anti indicate the spatial
location of an object or person. Anto indicates
that the located object is distant but in sight.
Anti indicates only the presence of an object and
not its relative distance. The located object can
be near or far, in sight or out of sight. To
indicate relative distance, anti must be expanded
by an Oblique phrase: either a deictic pronoun or a
noun phrase expressing precise location.
Anti bayri ya anak.
loc here NM child.
•The child is here.'
Anto hi Jose.
loc NM
•Jose is there. '
(2) Nounals.
(a) In classificatory sentences the nominal
predicate is unmarked for case and always
has indefinite reference:
Mangongonci hi Pedro.
fisherman NM
'Pedro is a fisherman.'
Ayop ya aho .
animal NM dog
'The dog is an animal,' or
'Dogs are animals.'
(b) In identificational sentences the
nominal predicate is marked by Nominative
(full) case and has definite reference:
Hi Juan ya kapitan.
NM NM captain
•The captain is Juan.'
STRUCTURE OF BASIC SENTENCES 35
Hay Amirikano ya doktor.
NM American NM doctor
'The doctor is the American.'
Habayto ya bali.
that NM house
'The house is that (one ) '
(3) Adverbs.
(a) Locative adverbs:
Ha Botolan ya pista.
Wi NM fiesta
'The fiesta is at Botolan. '
Konli Juan ya bayli.
OM NM dance
'The dance is at Juan's.'
(b) Time adverbs:
Nobokah ya parada.
tomorrow NM parade.
'The parade is tomorrow.'
(4) Possessive phrase. A possessive phrase is
composed of the possessive marker (PM) plus a
Genitive noun phrase:
Ikon ko ya libro.
PM my NM book
'The book is mine. '
Ikon ni Maria ya kowalta.
PM GM NM money
'The money is Maria's.
(5) Prepositional phrases.
Para koni Jose ya libro.
for OM NM book
'The book is for Jose.'
I
36 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Tongkol ha pag-ong ya kowinto.
about CM turtle NM story
•The story is about the turtle. '
(6) Existential {^rase. An existential phrase is
composed of the existential word ma-in plus the
linker nin (variants: -n and 0) plus an indefinite
nominal:
Ma-in nin ha-a.
exist Ik banana
'There are bananas. '
When an existential predicate takes a subject, it
denotes possession:
Ma-in nin anak hi Pedro,
exist Ik child NM
'Pedro has a child. '
3.4 Order of sentence oomponents
When the nominals of a basic sentence are nouns,
i.e. not pronouns, the underlying order can be
summarized as follows: predicate + subject + direct
object + indirect object. In basic sentences the
predicate is invariably sentence initial; but the
order of the nominals is free, and any possible
ordering can generally occur, though not every
ordering is equally likely. If, however, the
subject is a personal pronoun, it must occur
directly after the predicate (except for
existential sentences, where it must occur between
the existential word and the linker).
SENTENCE PROCESSES 37
CHAPTBR 4
SENTENCE PROCESSES
4.1 Derived granaatical relations: proaotion to
subject
Basic sentences contain only initial grammatical
relations. Derived sentences can be formed frpm
basic sentences by processes which change the
grammatical relations of the nominals. The major
relation-changing process is the prcMnotion of a
direct object or indirect object to the subject
relation (traditionally called passivization) . The
grammatical relations of the nominals after any
relation-changing processes have been applied are
called final gramnatical relations. Tor example, in
the following sentence the nominals are realizing
initial grammatical relations:
(1) Nanapon hi Juan nin bato ha anak.
threw NM GM stone OM child
'Juan threw a stone to the child. '
The initial subject is Juan, the initial direct
object is bato and the initial indirect object is
anak . Now if the initial direct object nominal is
promoted to the subject relation, the following
changes take place:
(2) Intapon ni Juan ya bato ha anak.
threw Qi NM stone OM child
'The stone was thrown to the child by Juan. '
The nominal bato has become the final subject, and
the nominal Juan has been demoted from its initial
subject relation to become a subject chc»eur
(French for 'one who is unemployed'). Subject
chomeur, like other grammatical relations in
Sambal, is signaled by nominal case marking: it is
marked by Genitive case. (With respect to
case-marking, subject chomeurs are identical to
38 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAI, SKETCH
possessors.) A subject chomeur is a norinuel§ar
grammatical relation, and is optionally present in
the surface form of a sentence. Also note that in
the derived sentence (2) there is no final direct
object, and the indirect object is unchanged.
In a similar manner, the initial indirect object
can be promoted to the subject relation, producing
the following sentence:
(3) Tinaponan ni Juan nin bato ya anak.
threw GM GM stone NM child
•The child was thrown a stone by Juan'
In this sentence, the nominal anak has become the
final subject, and Juan has again been demoted to
subject chomeur status. Also, the direct object
relation is unchanged, and there is no final
indirect object.
Integrated with the system of nominal
case-marking to signal grammatical relations is the
system of verb marking called registration (see
sec, 2.3.1). In the above three sentences the
initial grammatical relation of the subject nominal
is registered on the verb by a special affix. In
sentence (1) the prefix na ng- indicates that Juan
was an initial subject; Tn sentence (2) the prefix
jL- indicates that bato was an initial direct
object; and in sentence (3) the suffix -an
indicates that anak was an initial indirect object.
Final subjects that result from the promotion of
a direct object or indirect object are considered
to be derived subjects, and the sentences in which
they occur are derived sentences, such as (2) and
(3) above. Only sentences such as (1) above in
which no grammatical relations have been changed
are basic sentences.
Derived sentences formed by the promotion of
nonnuclear grammatical relations also occur in
Scunbal. The nonnuclear relations which can be
promoted to subject include locative, benef active,
and instrumental. It is not clear whether any other
nonnuclear relations can be promoted. The
SBirrENCE PROCESSES 39
nonnuclear relations function adverbially in an
expanded sentence, and are thus described in sec.
5.2.3.
The locative relation is marked by Oblique case.
For example:
Nagpati ya lalaki nin damowag ha balah.
killed NM man GM carabao OM river
'The man killed a carabao at the river. '
When the locative nominal balah is promoted to
subject, the initial subject nominal lalaki becomes
the subject chomeur, and the verb takes the affix
pag--. . .-an which registers an initial locative
promoted to subject:
Pagpatyan nin lalaki nin damowag ^ balah .
killed 04 man GM carabao NM river
'The river was killed-a-carabao-at by the man.'
The benef active relation is marked by the
preposition para 'for' plus an Oblique case-marked
nominal. For example:
Mamati ya lalaki nin damowag para ha bisita.
kill NM mcin GM carabao for OM visitor
'The man will kill a carabao for the visitor.'
When the benefactive nominal bisita is promoted to
subject, the initial subject nominal lalaki becomes
the subject chomeur, and the verb takes the affix
pang- which registers an initial benefactive:
Pamati nin lalaki nin damowag ^ bisita.
kill Gt\ man GM carabao NM visitor
'The visitor will be killed-a-carabao-for
by the man. '
The instrumental relation is marked by Genitive
case. For example:
Patyen nin lalaki nin koy^ ya damowag.
kill GM man GM knife NM carabao.
'The carabao will be killed with a knife by
the man. '
When the instrumental nominal koyk is promoted to
subject, the initial subject nominal lalaki becomes
the subject chomeur, and the verb takes the affix
ipang - to register an initial instrumental:
Ipamati nin lalaki nin damowag ^ koy^.
kill CA man GM carabao NM knife
•The knife will be killed-a-carabao-with by
the man. '
4.2 Order of sentence ccnponents
The order of sentence components in derived
sentence follows the general rules described for
basic sentences (see sec. 3.4) with the following
additions. When the subject chomeur of a derived
sentence is a noun phrase (i.e. not a pronoun) it
regularly precedes any other nominals; i.e. it
occurs directly after the verb. Pronouns are
subject to certain ordering restrictions. The
Nominative (minimal) pronoun and Genitive personal
pronouns are enclitic pronouns and must occur
directly after the predicate. If both a Nominative
(minimal) pronoun and a Genitive pronoun occur in a
sentence, the Genitive pronoun must precede the
Nominative (minimal) pronoun. For example:
Tina.iibayan ya ni Juan.
helped he GM
'He was helped by Juan. '
Tinambayan nawen ya.
helped we he.
'He was helped by us. '
The Nominative (full) and Oblique pronouns are not
enclitic and are not subject to this ordering
restriction.
4.3 Causative constructions
The analysis of causitive conctructions, i.e.
sentences with causative verbs (see sec. 2.3.3), in
SEWTENCE PPDCESSES 41
Philippine languages is sometimes problematical.
For this reason the analysis of grammatical
relations that has been developed here will now be
applied to causative sentences in Sambal.
In brief, the identification of grammatical
relations in causative sentences is identical to
the identification of grammatical relations in
noncausative sentences. That is, subject, direct
object, and indirect object in causative sentences
are identified by the same features of nominal
case-marking as they are in noncausative sentences
(see sec. 3.2). For example:
(1) Nambih hi Juan nin litrato kongko.
gave NM GM picture I
'Juan gave a picture to me. '
(2) Nangipakit hi Juan nin litrato kongko.
showed NM GM picture I
•Juan showed a picture to me. '
In sentence (1) , the verb is Indicative, so the
sentence is noncausative. The verb is prefixed with
nang - which indicates subject registration. In
sentence (2) , the verb is Causative-Indicative; the
stem pakit is composed of the causative prefix pa -
plus the verb base ikit 'to see' (note that voweT
deletion has applied in the formation of the stem;
see sec. 1.5). The causative stem can be translated
•to cause to see', or more naturally, 'to show'.
The stem is prefixed with nangi - which indicates
subject registration. Both sentences, noncausative
and causative, have the same three nominals bearing
the same three grammatical relations: hi Juan, in
Naninative case, is the initial subject; nin
litrato, in Genitive case, is the initial direct
object; and kongko , in Oblique case, is the initial
indirect object. Note that the identification of
the grammatical relations of the nominals is
independent of their semantic roles. This is
desirable, since in the causative sentence it is
not clear what the semantic roles of the nominals
actually are. If sentence (2) is translated
42 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
something like 'John caused me to see a picture',
then it appears that the nominal kongko is an
agent; but if it is translated as 'John showed a
picture to me,' it seems that kongko is more like a
goal. But whatever its semantic role may be, kongko
is clearly the indirect object, just as 'to me'~"rs~
the indirect object in the English translation.
The relation-changing process of promotion to
subject applies in the same manner to causative
sentences as it does to noncausative sentences (see
sec. 4.1). For example, promotion of the direct
object to subject of the causative sentence (2)
above produces the following:
(3) Impakit ni Juan ya litrato kongko.
showed GM NM picture I
'The picture was shown to me by John.'
The verb shows direct object registration by the
prefix i-; nj. Ju an , in Genitive case, is the
subject chomeur; ya litrato , in Nominative case, is
the derived subject; and kongko , in Oblique case,
remains the indirect object. Similarly, promotion
of the indirect object to subject produces this
sentence:
(4) Pinakitan ako ni Juan nin litrato.
showed I GM GM picture
'I was shown a picture by Juan.'
The verb shows indirect object registration by the
suffix -an; ako , in Nominative case, is the derived
subject; ni Juan, in Genitive case, is the subject
chomeur; and nm litrato, in Genitive case,
remains the direct object.
Since causative and noncausative verbs are
derivationally related, some useful observations
can be made by comparing sentences using the same
base in both its Indicative and
SBWTENCE PROCESSES 43
Causative-Indicative forms. For example:
(5) Tinomab^ ya baboy.
got fat NM pig
'The pig got fat. '
(6) Nagpatab& hi Jose nin baboy ta patyen
fattened NM GM pig because kill
'Jose fattened a pig because he will kill
ha pista.
OM fiesta
it for the fiesta. '
The verb base in both these examples is tabc^ 'fat*.
In sentence (5) the base forms an intransitive
Indicative verb marked for subject registration by
the affix -om-. The nominal ya baboy , in Nominative
case, is the initial subject. In sentence (6) the
verb base is prefixed with pa - to form a causative
stem, which is then prefixed with nag- to form a
transitive Causative-Indicative verb in subject
registration. The causative verb specifies two
nominals: hi Jose, in Ncaninative case, is the
initial subject; and nin baboy , in Genitive case,
is the initial direct object. In comparing the
causative sentence (6) with the noncausative
sentence (5) , two observations can be made: the new
participant Jose is the initial subject of the
causative sentence (6) ; and the participant baboy ,
which is the subject of the noncausative sentence
(5), is the direct object of the causative sentence
(6).
With these observations in mind, consider the
following two examples:
(7) NanggawS hi Pedro nin bali.
built NM GM house
'Pedro built a house'.
(8)Nangipagawcl hi Tatay nin bali koni Pedro,
caused to build NM Father GM house OM
'Father had Pedro build a house.'
44 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
The verb base in both examples is gawS 'to make,
build* . In sentence (7) the verb is Indicative, in
subject registration, and transitive. The two
nominals in sentence (7) are hi Pedro , the subject,
and nin ball , the direct object. In sentence (8) ,
the verb is Causative-Indicative, subject
registration, and bi transitive. The three ncxninals
in sentence (8) are tii Tatay, the subject; nin
baliy the direct object; koni Pedro, the indirect
object. In comparing the grammatical relations of
the participants of sentences (7) and (8) these
observations can be made: the new participant Tatay
in the causative sentence (8) is the initial
subject; the participant ball is direct object in
both the noncausative and causative sentences; and
the participant Pedro , which is the initial subject
of the noncausative sentence (7) , is the indirect
object of the causative sentence (8) .
These two pairs of examples demonstrate the
relationship between noncausative and causative
sentences. This relationship can be generalized as
follows. When a causative sentence is derived from
a noncausative sentence, a new participant is added
as the initial subject of the causative sentence.
Semantically , this new participant is the one who
causes (or permits) the action denoted by the verb.
Because the new participant takes the initial
subject relation in the causative sentence, the
participant that was the initial subject of the
noncausative sentence must take on a different
grammatical relation, as there cannot be two
subject nominals in a sentence. In examples (5) and
(6) , the subject of the Intransitive noncausative
sentence (5) became the direct object of the
transitive causative sentence (6). Then, in
examples (7) and (8), the subject of the transitive
noncausative sentence (7) became the indirect
object of the bitransitive causative sentence (8) .
These patterns give support to the hypothesis that
grammatical relations are in an ordered hierarchy.
Subject is highest in the hierarchy, followed in
order by direct object and indirect object. The
nonnuclear relations all rank lower than indirect
SENTENCE PROCESSES 45
object, but the order among them is not yet
determined. In terms of this hierarchy then, we can
say that when deriving a causative sentence from a
noncausative sentence, the nominal bearing the
Initial subject relation in the noncausative
sentence is moved to the next-highest available
grammatical relation on the hierarchy. For example,
in the noncausative sentence (5) above, there was
no direct object, and so the subject nominal of
that sentence became the direct object in the
causative sentence (6) ; but in the noncausative
sentence (7) , there was a direct object already, so
the subject nominal had to take the next available
relation on the hierarchy and so became the
indirect object in the causative sentence (8) . (For
a more detailed discussion of causatives and the
relational hierarchy, see Comrie (1976).)
4.4 Subject selection
The previous sections described the syntactic
process of promotion to subject. Subject selection
rules state the factors which determine which of a
verb's ncminals will become the final subject.
(1) Intraunsitive verbs have only one nominal,
which therefore must be the final subject:
Nilomateng hi Juan.
ar r ived NM
'Juan arrived. '
(2) Transitive verbs have an initial subject and
direct object. If the direct object has indefinite
reference, the initial grammatical relations of the
nominals will remain unchanged.
Nangan ya anak nin kanen. _^
ate NM child GM rice
'The child ate (some) rice. '
46 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
But if the direct object is definite, it can be
promoted to subject:
Kinan nin anak ^ kanen.
ate GM child NM rice
'The rice was eaten by the child. '
(3) Sanitransitive verbs have an initial subject
and indirect object. If the referent of the
indirect object nominal is a place or thing, and
not a person, the initial grammatical relations of
the nominals will remain unchanged:
Nako hi Pedro ha gahak.
went NM OM field
'Pedro went to the field.'
Niknft hi Pedro ha silya.
sat NM OM chair
'Pedro sat (down) on the chair.'
If, however, the indirect object nominal is
significantly affected by the action of the verb,
it can be prcMnoted to subject. In the first
sentence above, the field can hardly be affected by
Pedro going to it, so it would not likely be
promoted to subject. But in the second sentence, a
chair can be significantly affected by someone
sitting on it, so it can be promoted to subject:
Inikno-an ni Pedro ya silya.
sat GM NM chair
'The chair was sat (down) on by Pedro.'
A sentence like this can be used as a response to
the question, 'What happened to the chair?.
If the referent of the initial indirect object
nominal is a person, it can optionally be promoted
to subject. The choice of subject selection
probably depends on which nominal the speaker
SENTENCE PROCESSES 47
wishes to make more praninent. For example:
Nanambay hi Maria ha anak.
helped NM OM child
'Maria helped the child."
Tinambayan ni Maria ya anak.
helped GM NM child
'The child was helped by Maria.'
(4) Bitransitive verbs have an initial subject,
direct object, and indirect object. Their subject
selection rules are the same as those given above
for transitive and semi transitive verbs. In short,
if the initial direct object is definite, it can be
promoted to subject; if the indirect object nominal
is a significantly affected thing or a person, it
can be prcanoted to subject; otherwise the initial
grammatical relations remain unchanged. Examples
are as follows.
No change in initial grammatical relations:
Nangilak6 hi Jose nin ongot koni Sidra.
sold NM GM coconut OM
'Jose sold a coconut to Sidra.'
Initial direct object promoted to subject:
Inlakb ni Jose ^5 ongot koni Sidra.
'The coconut was sold by Jose to Sidra.'
Initial indirect object promoted to subject:
Pinaglako-an ni Jose nin ongot hi Sidra.
'Sidra was sold a coconut by Jose.'
4.5 Questions
There are two major types of questions: yes-no
questions, and infonaation questions.
(1) A yes-no question is a question that expects
either yes or rjo as an answer. Basic sentences
48 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
(which are all statements) can be converted to
yes-no questions by the insertion of a questicm
particle: either nayl , war!, or kail (the
distinction of usage among these three particles
has not been fully determined) . The question
particle is inserted immediately after the verb or
nonverbal predicate but after any enclitic pronoun
that may be present. For exaimple:
Kilako ka nayl konnawen ha banowa?
go with you QP we OM town
'Will you go with us to town?'
Pinabitil na warl ya anak na?
starve he QP NM child his
'Did he starve his child?'
Anti ya kail ha kowarto na?
loc he QP OM room his
'He is there in his room, isn't he?'
(2) An inforaaticMi question is a question that
elicits specific information from its hearer.
Information questions are formed by using
interrogative pronouns (see sec. 2.1.4) that
indicate what type of information is being asked
for. Syntactically, they substitute for certain
sentence components, and occur initially in the
sentence. Interrogative pronouns such as ayri
'where' and nakano 'when' substitute for adverbial
phrases:
Ayri ka ampa-iri?
where you living
'Where are you living?'
Nakano ka nabitil?
when you hungry
'When were you hungry?'
SENTENCE PROCESSES 49
Interrogative pronouns such as anya 'what' and
hlno 'who' substitute for nominal predicates :
Anya ya labay mo?
what NM want your
'What do you want?'
Hlno ya nanapon nin demek?
who NM threw GM trash
'Who threw away the trash?'
4.6 Imperatives
Imperative sentences are used to express
commcuids, requests, suggestions, etc. There are two
major types: a second-person imperative, and a
first-person-inclusive imperative. In both types
the aspect form of the verb used is the
Contemplated aspect. Examples of second-person
imperatives are:
Mamati ka nin baboy.
kill you GM pig
'Kill a pig.'
Itapon mo ya demek.
throw you NM trash
'Throw away the trash.'
Tambayan mo ya anak ha pag-a-aral na.
help you NM child OM studying his
'Help the child with his studying.'
Examples of first-person-inclusive imperatives
are:
Itanem ta bayti ya hangl nin ha-a.
plant we this NM sucker GM banana
'L^t's plant this banana sucker.'
Mako ta ha balah.
go we OM river
'Let's go to the river.'
50 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
4.7 Exclamatory sentences
Exclamatory sentences express an intensified
adjectival description of something. They are
composed of an adjective word base that is either
marked by hay or prefixed with pagka - , plus a
described noun phrase marked by Genitive case. This
type of exclamatory sentence has no surface
subject, but is related by process to a basic
sentence with an adjectival predicate. Examples
are:
Hay ganda nin babayi 1
NM beauty GM woman
'How beautiful the woman is!'
(cf. Maganda ya babayi.)
Hay bitil ko!
NM hunger I
'How hungry I am! '
(cf. Mabitil ako.)
Pagkayaman ni Juan!
wealthy GM
'How wealthy Juan is!'
(cf . Mayaman hi Juan.)
4.8 Negation
There are four negators in Sambal; ah^, ag -,
alwa, and ay in . In a negative sentence, the
negators occur in sentence-initial position
followed immediately by any enclitic pronouns and
enclitic adverbs (see sec. 5.2.1 on enclitic
adverbs) .
(1) The negators ahfe and ag - are used to negate
verbal sentences. The form ag - is a morphologically
determined variant of ah&: ag - occurs whenever an
enclitic pronoun or the encXTtic adverb -ana is
present in the sentence; ahh occurs elsewhere.
SENTENCE PROCESSES 51
Examples are:
Pihk pinati nin tawo ya damowag ko.
not killed Gfl person NM carabao my
'The person didn't kill my carabao.'
Ah^ na-ingalo kona ya ganti.
not pity him NM giant
'The giant didn't pity him.'
Agko nakakatoloy nayabi.
not-I sleep last night
'I couldn't sleep last night.'
Agmo ko itapon ha lanom.
not-you I throw OM water
'Don't throw me into the water.'
(2) The negator alwa is used to negate nonverbal
sentences (except the sentence types discussed
under (3) below) . Alwa is connected to the rest of
the sentence it negates by the nasal linker nin
(variants: -n and 0) . The linker follows directly
after alwa except when there are enclitic pronouns
or enclitic adverbs present, in which case the
linker occurs after the enclitics, fexamples are:
Alwan mahipeg ya tatay ko.
not-lk ambitious NM father my
'My father is not ambitious.'
Alwa yan marereng-eyen.
not he- Ik shy
'He is not shy. '
Alwan hiko ya nanggaw^ nin habayto.
not-lk I NM made/did GM that
'I'm not the one who made/did that.'
(3) The negator ay in is used to negate an
existential sentence; it is the negative
counterpart of the positive existential ma- in and
replaces ma- in without altering the rest of the
52 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
sentence structure, (see sec. 3.3(6) on existential
sentences.) Examples are:
Ay in nin ha-a.
none Ik banana
'There are no bananas.'
Ay in et (nin) bonga ha po-on ha-a.
none yet Ik fruit OM trunk banana
'There is not yet any fruit on the banana
plant. '
Ay in akon anak.
none I-lk child
•I have no child. '
Ay in is also the negative form of the locative
adjectives anti and anto (see sec. 3. 3 (Id)) .
Examples of sentences with negative locative
predicates are:
Ay in ya hen.
none he there
'He is not there. '
Ay in di ya nanay na.
none here NM mother his
'His mother is not here.'
4.9 Sentence inversion
Basic sentences can be modified by inversion, a
process by which one sentence component is fronted
to sentence- initial position. The denotative
meaning of the sentence is unchanged; rather the
function of sentence inversion is thematic,
indicating that the fronted component is the
sentence topic (see sec. 7.3.3) . The fronted
component of an inverted sentence is immediately
followed by the inversion marker (IM) a^, or by a
nonterminal pause indicated by a comma. The marker
ay has a phonological variant, -^, which attaches
SENTENCE PROCESSES 53
to a preceding word ending in the vowels a, e, or
o. Statements, commands, yes-no questions ancf their
negative variants can be inverted, but information
questions cannot be. The following sections discuss
which sentence components can be fronted in an
inverted sentence.
(1) The subject of either a verbal or nonverbal
sentence can be fronted. A fronted subject must be
marked by the Nominative (full) case. Exait5)les are:
Hay ta-en ay an-et-eten nin bakl.
NM trap IM chewing GM rat
'The rat is chewing the trap.'
(cf. An-et-eten nin baki ya ta-en.)
Hay aw-ali mo ay bantayan roo.
NM younger sibling your IM watch you
'Watch your younger siblings.'
(cf. Bantayan mo hili ali mo.)
Hi Elem ay alwan malhay.
NM IM not-lk large
'Elem is not large. '
(cf. Alwan malhay hi Elem.)
Hiya ay anti ha gahak.
Tie IM loc OM field
'He's there in the field.'
(cf. Anti ya ha gahak.)
(2) The subject chomeur of a verbal sentence can
be fronted. A cross-referent pronoun can optionally
be present in the main part of the sentence. A
fronted subject chomeur is marked by the Nominative
(full) case; its cross-referent pronoun is in the
Genitive case. Examples are:
Hi Pedro ay hiniyawan na ya kabayo.
NM IM saddled he NM horse
'Pedro saddled the horse.'
(cf. Hiniyawan ni Pedro ya kabayo.)
54 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Hay tawtawo ay nilabi la ya nin masyado.
NM people IM loved they he Ik much
'The people loved him very much.'
(cf. Nilabi ya nin tawtawo nin masyado.)
Hi Juan ay inlakb na ya baboy na.
NM IM sold he NM pig his
'Juan sold his pig.'
(cf. Inlakb ni Juan ya baboy na.)
(3) An indirect object can be fronted.
Koni Hostina ay an-itapon ya dalakerek.
OM IM throwing NM rice seedlings
'The rice seedlings are being thrown to Hostina. '
(cf. An-itapon ya dalakerek koni Hostina.)
(4) Adverbials of time and location can be
fronted. Examples are:
Ha Lonis ay mog-alih ako.
OM Monday IM leave I
'Monday I'll leave.'
(cf. Mog-alih ako ha Lonis.)
Ha Mindanao ay naka-ireng ya istatwa.
OM IM stood NM statue
'In Mindanao stood the statue.'
(cf. Naka-ireng ya istatwa ha Mindanao.)
(On the fronting of adverbial clauses, see sec.
6.2)
(5) The described noun phrase of an exclamatory
sentence (i.e. the underlying subject; see sec.
4.7) can be fronted. The fronted noun phrase is
marked by the Nominative (full) case. For example:
Hay dolo nin damowag ay hay kipit.
NM clothes GM carabao IM NM tight
'The clothes of the carabao are very tight. '
(cf. Hay kipit nin dolo nin damowag.)
SEHTENCB EXPANSION 55
CHAPTBR 5
SENTENCE EXPANSION
The sentence types described thus far can be
expanded to form more complex sentence structures.
Strategies of sentence expansion include noun
phrase expansion and predicate eiqpansion.
5.1 Noun {^rase expansion
There are five types of noun phrase expansion:
modification ccxistructicxis, genitive ccxistructions,
appositicHTial constructions, coordinate
constructicxis, and nominalized constructions.
5.1.1 Modification constructicxis
Nominal modification constructions consist of a
ncwjinal head with various modifiers. Certain
modifiers can occur either before or after the
head, but in either case modifiers must be attached
to the head by the linker ^ (which may reduce to
"Y after a vowel final word) . The pattern, then, of
a modification construction is MODIFIER ^ HEAD ya
MODIFIER. Additional pre-head and post-head
modifiers are attached in the same manner.
Modification constructions primarily expand
nonpersonal nouns, either case-marked or not
case-marked. The major types of modifiers to be
discussed below are deictic pronouns, quantifiers,
and relative clauses.
(1) The deictic pronouns (see sec. 2.1.3) used as
nominal modifiers typically precede the head if the
head is case-marked as Nominative or Genitive, and
follow the head if it is Oblique. With a Nominative
marked head, the deictic pronoun usually replaces
the case-marking particle, so that a Nominative
(full) case-marker is replaced by a Nominative
(full) deictic, and a Nominative (minimal)
case-marker is replaced by a Ncaminative (minimal)
56 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
deictic. The deictic pronoun must be attached to
the head by the linker ^. For example:
hay lapis haba-in ya lapis
NM pencil that Ik pencil
•the pencil' 'that pencil'
ya bangk6 bayti ya bangk5
NM bench this Ik bench
•the bench' 'this' bench
Alternatively, the deictic pronoun, instead of
replacing the Nominative (minimal) case-marker, can
simply be inserted between the case-marker and the
head; in this position the deictic must be in
Nominative (full) form:
ya lalaki ya habayto ya lalaki
NM man NM that Ik man
'the man' 'that man'
Since there is no special form for Genitive deictic
pronouns, a Nominal (full) deictic pronoun is
inserted between a Genitive case-marker and the
head:
nin anak nin habayti ya anak
CM child GM this Ik child
'of/by the child' 'of/by this child'
With an Oblique marked head, the deictic pronoun
follows the head and is in the Nominative (full)
form:
ha dogal ya habayti
(M place Ik this
'to/at this place'
Whenever a deictic pronoun follows the head, it is
in the Nominative (full) form:
ya lalaki ya habayt i
NM man Ik this
' this man'
SENTENCE EXPANSION 57
(2) Quantifiers, including cardinal and ordinal
numbers (see sec. 2.2.4) and quantifying words such
as malak^ 'much, many' typically precede the head
worHT
tat ley mipapatel
three-Ik siblings
'three siblings'
ya onay lalaki
NM first-Ik man
' the first man'
malak^ ya alahas
much Ik jewelry
'much jewelry'
(3) Relative clauses are modification structures
that are derived from underlying basic sentences.
In the typical pattern, a nominal phrase with the
structure head plus relative clause is derived from
an underlying basic sentence from which the subject
beccanes the head and the remainder of the sentence
becomes the modifying relative clause. For exeunple,
from the underlying sentence
SUBJECT
Narab6 ha damowag ^ lalaki .
fell OM carabao NM man
'The man fell from the carabao. '
this nominal phrase can be derived:
HEAD RELATIVE CLAUSE
ya lalak i ya narab6 ha damowag
NM man Ik fell OM carabao
•the man who fell from the carabao'
Note that the linker ^^ has been inserted to show
that the relative clause is a nominal modifier.
Relative clauses can be verbal, as in the above
58 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
example, or they can be adjectivals
ya kabayo ya malhay
NM horse Ik large
'the horse that is large'
Relative clauses of more than one word typically
follow the head, but relative clauses of only one
word, such as an adjective or a verb with no
nominal complements, can either precede or follow
the head. For example:
ya malhay ya kabayo
NM large Ik horse
'the large horse'
ya lapis ya nikatak
NM pencil Ik lost
'the pencil that was lost'
ya nikatak ya lapis
NM lost Ik pencil
'the lost pencil*
5.1.2 Genitive constructlcxis
Genitive constructions either have a possessive
function or a specifying function. They are
composed of a head noun plus a genitive phrase. The
genitive phrase immediately follows the head with
no linker. The head is typically a common noun. In
a possessive genitive construction, the genitive
phrase indicates the possessor of the head noun,
and consists of either a Genitive case-marked
personal or deictic pronoun, or a Genitive
case-marked nonpersonal or personal noun. Examples
are:
ya anak 1^
NM child their
'their child'
SEWTENCE EXPANSION 59
ya kabayo nin habayto
NM horse GM that
'that one's horse'
ya holat nin patel ko
NM letter GM sibling my
'my sibling's letter'
ya bali ni Pedro
NM house GM
'Pedro's house'
Note in the third example above that the head of
the genitive phrase, patel , is itself expanded by a
possessive pronoun. This type of anbedding can
continue indefinitely.
In a specifying genitive construction, the
genitive phrase serves to further specify and
delimit the referent of the head noun. The genitive
phrase is always a Genitive case-marked nonpersonal
noun. Examples are:
karnin baboy
meat-GM pig
'meat of pig,' i.e. 'pig meat, pork'
ha babo nin lotct
OM top GM earth
'on top of the earth,' i.e. 'on the earth'
alio nin kahal
day GM wedding
'day of wedding,' i.e. 'wedding day'
5.1.3 Appositional constructions
An appositional construction is composed of two
noun phrases, each with independent internal
structure, that both identify the same referent.
The second of the two noun phrases is considered to
expand the first noun phrase. No linker is used to
connect the two noun phrases, although linkers may
be present within the noun phrases themselves.
60 BOTOIAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Referring to the two noun phrases as appositives,
appositional constructions can be classified
according to whether the head of the first
appositive is a common noun, a proper noun, or a
personal pronoun. (Note that the classification of
common and proper nouns is independent of the
case-marking features nonpersonal and personal.)
(1) When the head of the first appostive is a
cooBon noun, the second appositive can only be a
proper noun. The proper noun of the second
appositive must be marked by Nominative case,
regardless of the case-marking of the first
appositive. Examples are:
ya ahawa ko hj^ Marita
NM spouse my NM
'my spouse Marita'
nin kakcl na hi Jose
GM older sibling ~Ts NM
'of /by his older sibling Jose*
ha nanay na hi Oding
^ mother his NM
'to his mother Oding'
koni pinghan ko hi Andres
OM cousin my NM
'to my cousin Andres'
(2) When the first appositive is a prqper noun,
the second appositive can be a common noun. This
produces a construction roughly the reverse of that
above. The second appositive must be marked by
Nominative (minimal) case, regardless of the
case-marking of the first appositive. Examples are:
hi Ped ro ya pinghan mo
NM NM cousin your
'Pedro your cousin'
ni Juan ya pat el ko
GM NM sibling my
'of /by Juan my sibling'
SENTENCE EXPANSION 61
(These examples could also be analyzed as
modification constructions composed of a proper
noun head with a relative clause modifier. With
this analysis, the first example above could be
glossed as follows:
hi Pedro ya pinghan mo
NM Ik cousin your
'Pedro, who is your cousin'
These alternative analyses are possible because of
the ambiguity of the paticle ^, which functions
both as a Nominative case-marker and as a linker.)
(3) When the first appositive is a perscxial
prcxioun, the second appositive can be either a
common noun or a proper noun. Pronouns of any case
can occur as the first appositive, but the
case-marking of the second appositive is restricted
and dependent upon the case of the first
appositive, according to the following rules:
(a) If the case of the pronoun is Nominative
(full or minimal) , the second appositive must be in
Nominative (minimal) case. Exaunples are:
hiya hi Pedro
He NM
'he, Pedro'
ya hi Juan
he NM
'he, Juan'
ya ya bak^
He NM monkey
'he, the monkey'
(b) If the pronoun is in Genitive case, the
second appositive must be in Genitive case. The
Genitive pronoun can be a part of a possessive
construction:
ya ahawa na ni Maria
NM spouse Her GM
'the spouse of her, Maria'
62 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
ya hawhalit^ tamo nin Ayta
NM speech our 04
'the speech of us Aytas'
(c) If the pronoun is in Oblique case, such as it
would be if it were an indirect object, the second
appositive must be in Genitive case. Examples are:
kona ni Maria
she GM
'to her, Maria'
kona nin patel mo
He GM sibling your
'to him, your sibling'
konla nin aw-anak
they GM children
'to them, the children'
A personal pronoun can also be expanded by a
deictic pronoun in the second appositive:
hiya bay to
He that
'he, that one'
There is at least one instance in text of a
personal pronoun expanded by a deictic pronoun that
is in turn expanded by a proper noun:
hiya bayt i hi Dateng
he this NM
'he, this one, Dateng'
5.1.4 Coordinate ccmstructions
A coordinate construction consists of two or more
conjoined grammatical elements of the same
functicffi. While the conjuncts of a coordinate
construction can vary in complexity frcxn single
words to whole sentences, this section will discuss
SENTENCE EXPANSION 63
only coordinate constructions in which the
conjuncts are noun phrases. Coordination in complex
sentences is discussed in sec. 6.1. The conjuncts
of a coordinate construction are linked by a
coordinating conjunction, either boy 'and' or o
'or'. The following discussion is limited to
constructions with boy , but constructions with o
follow the same pattern.
Coordinate noun phrase constructions can be
ccanposed of two or more conjuncts. The final
conjunct must be preceded by the conjunction boy ,
but the other conjuncts can be connected either by
boy or by a phonological pause, symbolized by a
comma. The following description will be limited to
constructions with only two conjunbts, but it is to
be noted that all successive conjuncts have the
same internal structure with regard to case-marking
and deletion as that of the second conjunct.
As an expansion of a simple noun phrase, a
coordinate noun phrase construction can function
syntactically as any of the nominal basic sentence
components. The grammatical relation of the
coordinate construction is indicated by the
case-marking of the first conjunct (except for
nominal predicates which are not case-marked at
all; see sec. 3.3(2a)). The case-marking of the
second conjunct is subject to the following rules.
(l)When the first conjunct is in Nominative case,
the second must also be in Nominative case.
Examples are:
Hay nanay ko boy hay patel ko ay
NM mother my and NM sibling my IM
'My mother and my sibling are sick.'
ampagmasakit.
sick
Hay anak na boy hiko ay ampidagaw.
NM child Tus and I IM playing
'His child and I are playing.'
Tambayan mo ko boy hi Dora.
help you I and NM
'Help me and Dora. '
64 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
(2) When the first conjunct is In the Genitive
case, the second conjunct can be in Gertitive case:
Nako hila ha bali ni Pedro boy ni Andres.
S
went they OM house (34 and GM
'They went to the house of Pedro and Andres.'
In this last example, the coordinate possessive
phrase indicates that Pedro and Andres are
considered joint owners of the house; but if Pedro
and Andres simply co-inhabit the house with
ownership by the family unit, then this is
indicated by marking the second conjunct with
Nominative case:
Nako hila ha bali ni Pedro boy hi Andres .
(3) When the first conjunct is in Oblique case,
the second conjunct must also be in Oblique case:
IgwS mo bayti koni Honor i a boy ha anak na .
give you this OM and OM child her
'Give this to Honoria and her child.'
Idolot mo ha lalaki boy kongko ya kanen.
dish out you OM man and I NM food
'Dish out the food to the man and me.'
Oblique noun phrases can also occur as part of a
beneficiary adverbial phrase, composed of the form
para 'for' plus an Oblique phrase. When beneficiary
phrases are coordinated, the second conjunct can be
one of three forms:
(a) para plus an Oblique phrase;
Anggaw-en na bayti para ha ahawa na boy para ha
doing he this for OM spouse his and for OM
'He is doing this for his spouse and for
anak na.
child his
. his child. '
SENTENCE EXPANSION 65
(b) an Oblique phrase;
Anggaw-en na bayti para ha ahawa na boy ha
doing he this for OM spouse Tus and OH
•He is doing this for his spouse and
anak na.
child his
his child'
(c) a personal noun marked by Nominative case;
Anggaw-en na bayti para ha ahawa na boy hi Jose.
doing he this for OM spouse his and NM
'He is doing this for his spouse and Jose. '
When both conjuncts of a coordinate noun phrase
construction are nonpersonal nouns, the case-marker
of the second conjunct can optionally be deleted.
For example:
Bantayan mo ya anak boy to-a .
watch you NM child and old
'Watch the child and the old one. '
Hay aho boy baboy ay mabitil,
NM dog and pig IM hungry
'The dog and pig are hungry.'
Magsirbi ka ha Diyos boy tawo .
serve you OM God and man
'Serve God and man.'
When both conjuncts are personal nouns, a plural
personal case-marker (see sec. 2.1.1) on the first
conjunct can be used instead of singular
case-markers on both conjuncts:
Ampag-aral hil i Lolita boy Elena ,
studying NM and
'Lolita and Elena are studying.'
Note that if a singular case-marker is added to the
second conjunct of the above example the plural
reference of the case-marker hili only includes
the first conjunct:
Ampag-aral hili Lolita boy hi Elena .
'Lolita and the others and Elena are studying.'
5.1.5 Nominalized constructions
A verbal form functioning as a nominal component
of a sentence is a nominalized oonstructicxi, or a
nominalization. A nominalized construction is
composed of a verb plus its associated
relation-bearing nominals except the subject
nominal. (Compare this structure with relative
clauses, which are also subjectless (see sec.
5.1.1(3).) A nominalized construction can function
as any of the grammatical relations (i.e. subject,
object, etc.) Examples are:
Itapon mo ha bong aw ya tinabas na.
throw you OM bank NM cut he
'Throw what he cut over the bank.'
Ah& inihip ni Andris ^ hinalit^ ni Nanay na.
not thought GM NM said GM Mother Tus
'Andris didn't think about what his Mother said.'
Ampaghehe ya ha ginawct na koni Nanay na.
repenting he OM did he OM Mother his
'He repented of what he did to his Mother.'
Malhay ana ya intanem nin pag-ong .
big now NM planted GM turtle
'What the turtle planted was big already.'
A nominalized construction can also function as the
indefinite nominal of an existential phrase (see
sec. 3.3 (6) ) :
Ma-in mangyari kona .
exist happen he
'There is something that will happen to him,' or
'Something will happen to him.'
SENTENCE EXPANSICW 67
Ma- in akon g intan komoyo .
exist I-lk brought you
'There is something that I brought to you,' or
'I have something that I brought to you.'
Ayin yan nakit.
none he-Ik saw
'There is nothing that he saw,' or
'He saw nothing.'
A nonverbal sentence (see sec. 3.3) that has a
nominalized construction functioning as subject can
often be related to a cor respondingverbal sentence
with no nominalization. For example:
Hi Maria ^^ nanayl .
NM NM sewed
'It was Maria who sewed.'
This sentence is identif icational (see sec.
3. 3 (2b)) and has a nominalized subject. It is
clearly relatable to the following sentence which
is verbal and has no nominalization:
Nanayi hi Maria,
sewed NM
'Maria sewed. '
The relationship between these two sentences is
such that the subject of the verbal sentence
corresponds to the nominal predicate of the
identif icational sentence, and the remainder of the
verbal sentence (here only a verb) corresponds to
the nominalized subject of the identif icational
sentence. As is suggested by the English
translation of these two sentences, the difference
between them is not in their semantic content, but
in their information structure. The purpose of
using a construction like the first sentence rather
than the second sentence is to mark the nominal
predicate, i.e. hi Maria, as new or contrastive
68 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
information. Another example of this s&me type of
construction is:
Hay koyS ^ impamati na kona.
NM knife NM killed he he
'It was a knife that he killed him with.'
cf. Impamati na kona ya koylk.
'He killed him with a knife. '
Sentences with adverbial predicates (see sec.
3.3(3)) can also have a nominalized subject, and
are relatable to corresponding verbal sentences:
Ha balah y£ pinagpatyan na nin damowag .
OM river NM kill he GM carabao
'It was at the river that he killed the carabao.'
cf. Pinati na ya damowag ha balah.
'He killed the carabao at the river.'
Konli Tatay ^ antaponan la nin yabot .
OM Father NM throwing they GM grass
'It was to Father that they were throwing the
grass. '
cf. An-itapon la ya yabot konli Tatay.
• They were throwing the grass to Father.'
Note tliat in these last two examples the
nominalized verb in the nonverbal sentences
register (see sec. 2.3.1) the underlying
grammatical relation of the participant expressed
in the adverbial predicate. Specifically, in the
second example konli Tatay is the indirect object
of the verb in the verbal sentence; consequently,
in the corresponding nonverbal sentence where konli
Tatay is the predicate, the nominalized verb shows
indirect object registration.
SENTENCE EXPANSIC»1 69
5.2 Predicate expansicxi
The predicate of a basic sentence can be expanded
by adverbs. There are three classes of adverbs:
enclitic adverbs, modal adverbs, and moveable
adverbs.
5.2.1 Enclitic adverbs
Enclitic adverbs are a closed set of
uninflectable particles that occur inunediately.
after the predicate of a basic sentence. Any
enclitic pronouns that may be present precede the
enclitic adverbs (see sec. 4.2 on word order). The
nK>st common enclitic adverbs and their meanings are
as follows:
ana, -na, -yna, -an 'already, now'
et 'still, yet, more, also'
pon 'first'
pa 'please*
daw, raw 'request'
Itaman, itaan, man 'also, anyway'
awod 'then, therefore, so'
kano 'reported speech'
tana 'only, just'
dayi 'unreal, desire'
aimpri 'anyway, also'
nayl
kail ^ 'question' (see sec. 4.5)
war
■}
(The enclitic adverb -ana 'already, now' has three
phonological variants: -yna occurs following words
ending in a, e, or o. -na occurs following words
ending in T; -an occurs^ollowing words ending in a
consonant; the~5asic form -ana freely alternates
with both -na and -an.) When more than one enclitic
adverb occurs in a sentence, their relative order
is fixed. The order of some of the more frequent
enclitic adverbs is as follows:
ana pon et awod pa daw
12 3 4 5 6
70 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETcH
Examples of sentences expanded by encLitle advgffes
are as follows:
Ampag-aral ana hi Juan
studying now NM
'Juan is studying now.'
Ampag-ilbah ka et awod .
wash (clothes) you still so
'So you're still washing clothes.'
Ma-in ya et simprin trabaho.
exist he more anyway-lk work
'He has more work anyway.'
Labay na itaman nin maliy6.
want he also CM bathe
'He also wanted to bathe.'
Mag-aral k ayna pon pa raw.
study you-now first please request
'Please study first now.'
5.2.2 Modal adverbs
Modal adverbs occur in sentence-initial position.
They include the following:
ka-ilangan necessity: 'need, must'
dapat obligation: 'ought, must, should'
ma-arl ability: 'possible, can, may'
Modal adverbs are connected to the following
sentence by the linker nin/-n . Any enclitic
pronouns or adverbs in the following sentence are
placed between the modal adverb and the linker.
Examples are:
Ka-ilangan kan mako ri.
must you-lk come here
'You must come here.'
SENTENCE EXPANSION 71
Dapat tamon mog-alih nobokah.
should we-lk leave tomorrow
'We should leave tomorrow.'
Ma-arl nan itakel ya damowag ko.
can he-Ik tie NM carabao my
'He can tie my carabao. '
5.2.3 Moveable adverbs
Moveable adverbs are full words or phrases that
do not have a fixed position in the sentence.- When
they occur after the verb, they are permutable with
the other basic sentence components, except that
they must follow any enclitics. Most moveable
adverbs can be fronted to sentence-initial
position; see sec. 4.9 on sentence inversion.
Moveable adverbs can be classified according to
their semantic function, giving the following
types: manner, time, locative, benef active,
instrumental, causal, referential, and measurement.
(1) Manner adverbs are either unaffixed, or if
affixed they are a subclass of ma - adjectives (see
sec. 2.2.1). Examples are:
magaling 'skillfully'
maliga 'happily'
mabilis 'quickly'
sigorado 'surely, securely'
Most manner adverbs are introduced by the linker
nin/-n . Examples are:
Agya ampaka-ihip nin malalfe .
not-he able to think Ik deeply
'He cannot think deeply. '
Itakel mo ya manok nin sigorado.
tie you NM chicken Ik securely
'Tie the chicken securely.'
72 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Tambalan mo kon mahampat .
medicate you I-Tk well
'Medicate me well.'
(2) Tlae adverbs fall into two classes: unmarked
and marked. The unmarked time adverbs include the
following:
hapa-eg 'today, now'
nobokah ' tomor r ow '
na-apon 'yesterday'
nayabi 'last night'
nakalwa 'day before yesterday*
makalwa 'day after tomorrow'
allo-allo 'every day'
yabiyabi 'every night'
nangon 'earlier'
papa-inghan 'later'
lano ' later '
Examples of unmarked time adverbs in sentences are:
Nilc«nateng na-apon hi Pedro,
arrived yesterday NM
'Pedro arrived yesterday.'
Lomakat ako nobokah ha bakil.
climb I tomorrow CM mountain
'I will climb the mountain tomorrow.'
Angkargawen la hapa-eg ya kayo ko.
loading they now NM logs my
'They are loading my logs now.'
The marked time adverbs include calendar dates,
days of the week, clock time, and phases of the day
such as morning, afternoon, and night. Their
relation to the moment of speech is indicated by
the markers nin, hin , and ha. These marked time
adverbs can occur either independently or as part
of a complex time expression.
To indicate present time the marker nin is used:
SENTENCE EXPANSION 73
Ma-amot hapa-eg nin alio ,
hot now pres day
'Today is hot. '
Alas tris nin mahilem ay lamateng hi la.
at three pres afternoon IM arrive they
'They will arrive at three this afternoon.'
To indicate past time the marker hin is used:
Norong ya hin Lonis .
went home he past Monday -
'He went home last Monday.'
Agko nakakatoloy na-apon hin yabi .
not-I sleep yesterday past night
'I couldn't sleep night before last.'
To indicate future time the marker ha is used:
Mog-alih ako ha Lonis .
leave I Tut Monday
' I ' 11 leave on Monday . '
Magbira hila nobokah ha mahilem . '
return they tomorrow fut afternoon
'They'll return tomorrow afternoon.'
(3) Locative adverbs denote the place where an
action happens. They can be either an Oblique
case-marked noun or an Oblique deictic pronoun.
Examples are:
Pinati ni Pedro ya damowag ha balah .
killed GM NM carabao OM river
'Pedro killed the carabao at the river.'
Ampag-aral hi Juan ha Manila .
studying NM OM
'Juan is studying in Manila. '
Antoro-an ni Maria ya aw-anak ha iskowilawan .
teaching GtA NM children OM school
'Maria is teaching the children in/at the school. '
74 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
(4) Benef active adveifbs denote the beneficiary of
an action. They are composed of the preposition
para 'for' plus an Oblique case-marked nominal,
either personal or nonpersonal. Examples are:
Mamati kon damowag para ha bisita ko.
kill I-GM carabao for ^ visitor my
'I'll kill a carabao for my visitor.'
Anggaw-en na bayti para koni Maria ,
doing he this for Qm
'He is doing this for Maria.'
Itapon mo pa ya demek para kongko.
throw you please NM trash for I
'Please throw away the trash for me.'
(5) Instrumental adverbs denote the instrument
used to perform an action. They are expressed as a
Genitive case-marked nonpersonal noun or deictic
pronoun. Examples are:
Ampatyen ni Pedro ya damowag nin otak .
killing GM NM carabao GM bolo
•Pedro is killing the carabao with a bolo.'
Ampangititen nan tinta ya litrato mo.
blackening he-GM ink NM picture your
•He is blackening your picture with ink.'
Pinalimo na ko nin labintador .
scared he I GM firecracker
'He scared me with a firecracker. '
(6) Causal adverbs denote the reason or cause of
an action. They are composed of the preposition
ban^ 'because of plus an Oblique case-marked
nominal. Examples are:
Agko nakilako komo banh ha trabaho ko.
not-I go with you because of OM work my
•I didn't go with you because of my work. '
SENTENCE EXPANSION 75
Mipati hila banSt ha pamamangan .
kill they because of OM foo3 ''
'They will kill each other because of the food. '
A second type of causal adverb denotes nonconcrete
force. It is expressed by a Genitive case-marked
nominal:
Nati hi Juan nin malar
^.
died NM GM malaria
'John died of malaria.'
(7) Referential adverbs denote the topic or
subject of a locutionary action. They are composed
of the preposition tongkol 'about' plus an Oblique
case-marked nominal. Examples are:
Nihowawl hila tongkol ha kowinto.
argued they about OM story
'They argued about the story. '
Ampi-ilgo kayi tongkol koni Juan ,
talking we about CM
'We are talking about Juan. '
(8) Measurement adverbs denote the extent of a
process. They are composed of the Genitive
case-marker nin plus an expression of measurement.
Examples are:
Tinomag-ay ya anak nin mihay porgada .
grew NM child GM one -Ik inch
'The child grew an inch. '
Inomopaw hi Jose nin limay kilo ,
lightened NM GM five-Ik kiTo
'Jose lost five kilos.'
In-ipek koy yobil nin mihay mitro .
shortened I-NM rope GM one-Ik meter
'I shortened the rope a meter.'
76 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
CHAPTER 6
GGMPI2X SENIBICBS
Complex sentences are composed of more than one
clause. There are two syntactic processes that form
complex sentences: coordination and subordination.
When two clauses are related by coordination,
neither clause is a constituent of the other; that
is, two clauses of equivalent function and rank are
simply conjoined. Several types of coordinate
complex sentences are described below.
Alternatively, when two clauses are related by
subordination, one clause functions as a
constituent of the other; the constituent clause is
said to be embedded in the main clause. Two types
of subordinate clauses are described below:
adverbial clauses and conplesient clauses. (Relative
clauses are also a type of subordinate clause; but
since they are a constituent of noun jAirase, they
are described in sec. 5.1.1(3) under noun phrase
expansion.)
6-1 Coordination
There are five types of coordinate sentences:
conjunctive, disjunctive, adversative, ccxitingent,
and sequential.
6.1.1 Conjunctive sentence
The conjunctive sentence is minimally composed of
two or more clauses connected by the coordinating
conjunction boy 'and'. There is no overt logical or
temporal relation between conjoined clauses; it is
simply a coupling of equally important statements.
COMPLEX SENTENCES
Examples are:
Nagloks^ bayti ya manokmanok boy nangakb yan
mourned this Ik bird and prcanised he-CM
'This bird mourned and he prcanised that he would
agna ya ibalag.
not -he she leave
not leave her . '
Biyan katan gawgintft boy igw^ ko komo ya
give I-you-GM gold and give I you NM
'I will give you gold and I will give you my
anak koy dalaga.
child my-lk girl
unmarried daughter.'
Nangangin nin makhaw boy biglS nangoran.
wind blew Ik strong and suddenly rained
'The wind blew strong and it suddenly rained.'
Mag-in kawon bawbak^ ya mangatlek boy magkama-in
become you-GM monkeys Ik noisy and get
'You will become noisy monkeys and you will get
kawon ikoy boy hay nawini moyo ay tobo-an habot.
you-GM tail and NM body your IM grow hair
tails and your bodies will grow hair."
6.1.2 Disjunctive sentence
The disjunctive sentence is minimally composed of
two or more clauses connected by the conjunction o
'or*. The construction indicates an alternative ~~
relation between the statements expressed in the
clauses. Examples are:
Mako ko ha banowa nobokah o no agko makalako
go I CM town tomorrow or if not- I can go
•I will go to town tomorrow or if I can't go
nobokah ay mako ko makalwayna.
tomorrow IM go I day after tomorrow
tomorrow I will go the day after tomorrow. '
78 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Mag-aral ka o magpa-inawa ka hapa-eg alio?
study you or rest you now day
'Will you study or will you rest today?'
Manaliw kan tinapay, o no ay in tinapay,
buy you-CM bread or if none bread
'Buy bread, or if there is no bread,
manaliw kan boyah.
buy you-GM rice
buy rice. •
6.1.3 Adversative sentence
The adversative sentence is minimally composed of
two clauses connected by the conjunctions piro or
balfe ta 'but'. The clause following the conjunction
is related by contrast or antithesis to the clause
preceding the conjunction. Examples are:
Hi Lawin ay mayaman, piro hi Manok ay ma-irap.
NM Hawk IM rich but" NM Chicken IM poor
'The Hawk was rich, but the Chicken was poor.'
AmpakalengS ya, piro agya makahalltll.
can hear he but not-he can talk
'He can hear, but he can't talk.'
Hinagyat la ko balfe ta agla ka hinagyat.
invited they I but not-they you invited
•They invited me but they didn't invite you.'
Pinanlotft ko ya balfe ta nangan yan tinapay.
cooked for I he but ate he-GM bread
•I cooked for him but he ate bread,'
6.1.4 Contingent sentence
The contingent sentence is minimally composed of
two clauses connected by the conjunction ta 'and,
because, so, in order to'. The two clausei~are
related logically, such that one clause is the
C30MPLEX SENTENC3:S /!#
antecedent and the other clause is the consequent.
The event of the consequent clause is contingent
upon the event of the antecedent clause. For
example, when the clause following the conjunction
ta is antecedent, it expresses reason:
An-ihipen na ya agya makalako ha bayli ta
thinking she CM not-she can go CM dance Because
'Sh^ thought that she couldn't go to the dance
ay in ya nin alahas.
none she Ik jewelry
because she had no jewelry. '
Hay pag-ong ay ah& nalimo ha bagyo ta matibay
NM turtle IM not afraid OM storm Because durable
'The turtle was not afraid of the storm because his
ya bali nay bato.
NM house his-lk stone
stone house was durable.'
Ampa-iri yayna ha lo-ong, ta hiya ay
living she-now OM muddy hole Because she IM
'She was living in a muddy hole, because she had
nag-in anan papwak.
became now frog
become a frog . '
When the clause following the conjunction is the
consequent, it can express result or purpose, or
simply that the event of the antecedent clause was
necessary before the event of the consequent clause
could take place. Examples are:
Nanoktok yan bolong kayo ta intata na
picked up he-GM leaf tree and dropped he
'He picked up a leaf and he dropped it to the
koni hyk.
CM Ant
the Ant,
80 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Pinotoh ni Kan ya pi toy olo nin ot&n ta
cut GM NM seven-Ik head GM snake and
•Kan cut off the seven heads of the snake and
inggawS na koni Arl La-on.
gave he OM King
he gave them to King La-on. '
Nangwa yan dawdowih ta inggawcl na ha mamalibot
got he-GM thorns an3 placed he OM around
'He got some thorns and he placed them around the
po-on ha -a.
trunk banana
banana trunk. '
Hin nakit ni Bak^ bay to ya kolon ongot ya
when saw GM Monkey that Ik shell coconut Ik
'When the Monkey saw that upside-down coconut
nakapalokob, nikn6 ya t^ an-alihen nay
upside down sat he and removing he-NM
shell, he sat down on it and removed the
dawdowih ha bitih na.
thorns OM foot his
thorns from his feet. '
Nako ko ha balah ta bayro ko naliy6.
went I OM river and there I bathed
'I went to the river and I bathed there,' or
'I went to the river to bathe there.'
6.1-5 Sequential sentence
The sequential sentence is minimally ccMnposed of
two or more clauses connected by the conjunction
biha 'and then'. The order of the clauses reflects
the temporal sequence of the actions reported. The
conjunction biha is pre-enclitic, which means that
any enclitic pronouns and enclitic adverbs in the
following clause must occur directly after it.
COMPLEX SENTENCES
Examples are:
Kinwa nay latiko na biha na ko pinagbabarog.
fetched he-NM whip his then he I whipped
'He fetched his whip and then he whipped me.'
Inabriyan nay polta nin koral biha intaboy ha
opened he-NM door GM corral then drove OM
•He opened the door of the corral, then drove
likol ya aw-ayop biha na pino-olan
outside NM animals then he burned
outside the animals, and then he burned
bay toy koral.
that-lk corral
that corral. '
Inalal lay kolob la biha tinamnan kalobaha.
fenced they-NM yard their then planted squash
'They fenced their yard then planted squash.'
Hinapwat la ya biha insopo do ha likol
lifted they her then threw there OM outside
'They lifted her up then (they) threw (her)
palasyo.
palace
outside the palace.'
6.2 Adverbial clauses
Adverbial clauses expand basic sentences in a
manner similar to simple moveable adverbs (see sec.
5.2.3) . There are five types of adverbial clauses:
toqporal, conditional, causal, purpose, and
c<xicesslve. The underlying order of clauses is main
clause followed by adverbial clause. All adverbial
clauses, however, can be permuted to occur before
the main clause, in which case the subordinate
clause and main clause are separated either by the
inversion marker ay (see sec. 4.9) or by a
phonological pause.
82 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
6.2.1 Temporal clauses
Temporal clauses are marked by the following
subordinating conjunctions: hin 'when, after',
angga 'until', mintras 'while' , bayo 'before', and
biha ' before ' .
(1) Hin 'when, after' indicates past time action;
a verb inflected for either Perfective or
Contemplated aspect in the hin clause indicates
that the action is at the same time or just prior
to the action expressed in the main clause.
Examples are:
Nalimowan ya mangongonS hin nakit na ya
afraid NM fisherman when saw he NM
'The fisherman was afraid when he saw
mihay ganti.
one-Ik giant
the giant. '
Hin lomateng ya, pinastang ni Lawin ya
when arrive she asked GM Hawk NM
•when she arrived, the Hawk asked for
aw-alahas na.
jewelry her
her jewelry. '
The verb of the hin clause can also be inflected
for Imperfective aspect:
Hin hay arl ay ampiknft ana ha trono na ay
when NM king IM sitting now OM throne his IM
'When the king was sitting on his throne, he
nasita na ya hay ahawa nay rayna ay ayin ha
noticed he CM NM wife his-lk queen IM none OM
noticed that his wife the queen was not near
dani na.
near his
him. '
COMPLEX SENTENCES oj
(2) Angga 'until' has the following variants:
angga hin, angga ha, and angga nin /-n . Examples
are:
Nowayo yaynan nowayo angga ha nibarak ya.
ran he-now-lk ran until fell down he
'He ran and ran until he fell down. '
Nangoran nin raakhaw anggan nandano ha paliyan
rained Ik hard until-lk flooded OM paddy
'It rained hard until their paddy was flooded.'
la. —
their
Dinomlep hi Markos ha lal^ lanom angga hin nakwa
dived NM OM into water until got
'Markos dived into the water until he got all
nay kaganawan bot-o ni Lam-ang.
he-NM all bone GM
the bones of Lam-ang. '
(3) Mintras 'while' can occur with a nonverbal
predicate, or a verb inflected for Imperfective
aspect. Examples are:
Ma-ari nayi makihanda kayina pon ha ball mo
may QP stay we-now first OM house your
'May we stay at your house while there is a storm?'
mintras ma- in bagyo?
while exist storm
"Aw! Awl Aw! " wani Tagpl mintras angkamaten
said-GM while running after
'"Aw! Aw! Aw!" said Tagpl while he was running
na bay to.
he that
after that (truck) . '
84 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKetCH
Mintra3 ambomoyot ya pamaliy5 nin aw=§nak
while taking long time NM bathing GM children
'While the children were bathing for a long time,
ay amo-am6 hilaynan ampagkama-in
IM little by little they-now getting
little by little they were getting
mayam6 ya ikoy.
small Ik tail
small tails.'
(4) Bayo 'before' is pre-enclitic. It can occur
with a Perfective aspect verb:
Bayo hila nakakit nin mahilongan ay natina
before they saw GM shelter IM died-now
'Before they saw shelter, two fledglings of the
pon ya loway a-akayen nin manokmanok.
first NM two-Ik fledglings GM bird
bird died. '
or a Contemplated aspect verb:
Bayo ko halita-en komo ya labay kon pangamati
before I tell you NM want I-GM death
'Before I tell you how I want to die, I have a
ko ay ma-in akon pastangen ha ngalan nin Diyos.
my IM exist I-GM question OM name GM God
question to ask in the name of God. '
(5) Biha 'before* is pre-enclitic. As a
subordinating conjunction, biha is homophonous with
the coordinating conjunction biha 'zuid then'. When
a biha clause occurs following the main clause, it
is frequently ambiguous between the subordinate and
coordinate readings of the conjuntion. However,
only the adverbial biha clause can be permuted to
COMPLEX SENTENCES
occur before the main clause. Examples with a
Perfective aspect verb are:
Biha ya in-anak ay nako hi Tatay na ha dogal
before he born IM went NM father his OM place
'Before he was born, his father went to the place
nin Aw-igoroti nin mangaho.
GM Igorots CM hunt
of the Igorots to hunt. '
Biha nog-alih hi Lam-ang ay emen nan angkakit
before left NM IM as if he-Ik seeing
'Before Lam-ang left, it was as if he was seeing
ya ma- in katowcl ya mangyarl kona.
NM exist bad Ik happen he
that there would be bad things happen to him. '
and with a Contemplated aspect verb:
Biha ka mag-ompisan magtrabaho ay pakarani ka
before you start-CM work IM approach you
'Before you start to work, first cane near to
pon ha Diyos.
first OM God
God.'
6.2.2 Ccxiditional clauses
Conditional clauses are introduced by the
conjunction no 'if. They can occur with either a
nonverbal predicate or a Contemplated aspect verb.
Examples are:
No patyen mo ya otan ay biyan katan gawgintb.
Ti kill you NM snake IM give I/you-GM gold
'If you kill the snake, I will give you gold.'
86 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
No ma- in kan makit ya pali ya antiro ay
Tf exist you-lk see Ik rice Ik loc-there IM
'If you see any rice there, then
parosawan mo ko.
punish you I
punish me. '
No tadtaren mo ko, sigoradon lomak& ako.
TF chop up you I surely-lk become-many I
'If you chop me up, I will surely become many.'
When the no clause represents a recurrent event or
situation, it can be translated as an English
•when' clause:
No allon Sabado boy no ayin klasi ay
wHen day-Ik Saturday and v^en none class IM
'When it was Saturday and when there were no
ampananaman ya .
planting he
classes, he would plant.'
No alio ay ampan-ahok; no yabi ay ampag-apoy.
wHen day IM smoking wHen night IM flaming
'When it was daytime it was smoking; when it was
nighttime it was flaming.'
6.2.3 Causal clauses
Causal clauses are introduced by the conjunction
ban^ ta 'because'. A causal clause expresses the
reason for the event reported in the main clause.
The predicate of a causal clause can be either
verbal or nonverbal. Excunples are:
Nog-alih yan masyadon lel& bancl ta naloko ya
left he-Ik very-Ik sad because fooled he
'He left very sad because he had been fooled by
ni Pag-ong.
GM Turtle
the Turtle. '
COMPLEX SENTENCES
Ban^ ta ampag-aporah ya ay nikatak nay
because hurrying she IM lost she-NM
'Because she was hurrying, she lost the ring
hinghing boy kolinta ni Lawin.
ring and beads GM Hawk
and beads of the Hawk.'
Hatoy intanem ni Bak^ ay nalaneh ana banli ta
that-lk planted GM Monkey IM withered now because
'What the Monkey planted withered because there
ay in yamot. —
none root
were no roots. '
Hi Kalapati ay ampilopadlopad itaman ban5 ta
NM Dove IM flying also because
'The Dove was flying around also because he
mabitil ya.
hungry he
was hungry. '
6.2.4 Purpose Clauses
Purpose clauses are introduced by the conjunction
emen '(in order) to, in order that, so that'. The
predicate of a purpose clause can be either
nonverbal or a verb in Contemplated aspect. Emen is
optionally pre-enclitic. Examples are:
Manolat kan pirmi konnawen emen nawen
write you-lk always we so that we
'Write to us always so that we will know what
matanda-an ya ampangyari bahen korao.
know NM happening there you
is happening to you there.'
Pinalabeg lay lanom emen ah& makapaliyo
made roily they-NM water so that not able to bathe
'They made the water roily so that the old woman
baytoy mato-antawoy babayi .
that-lk old-Ik woman
would not be able to bathe. '
88 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SI<eTCH
Itanem ta bayti ya hangl nin ha=a §n\en fea
plant we this Ik sucker GM banana so that we
•Let's plant this banana sucker so that we will
ma-in nin ma-ekan no mamonga.
exist Ik eat if bears fruit
have something to eat if it bears fruit.'
6.2.5 Concessive clauses
Concessive clauses are introduced by the
conjunction maski 'although, even though'. A
concessive clause expresses a situation which by
contrast makes the information of the main clause
unexpected or surprising. The predicate of a
concessive clause can be either verbal or
nonverbal. Examples are:
Maski ah& ampakalpad ya pag-ong ay
although not able to fly NM turtle IM
'Although the turtle wasn't able to fly,
ampakapagdagaw hila ni Manokmanok.
able to play they GM Bird
he and the Bird could play together.'
Maski nayarl yan namatanem ay ma-in
although finished he-Ik caused to plant IM exist
'Although he has finished planting, he still has
ya et simprin trabaho.
he still anyway-lk work
work. '
Maski makhaw ya bawbaraso boy bawbitih ni
although strong NM arms and feet GM
'Although K^ Rosa's arras and feet are strong,
K& Rosa, hay pang ingi hip na ay makapey.
NM mind her IM weak
her mind is weak. '
COMPLEX SENTENCES
6.3 Complenent clauses
Complement clauses are embedded clauses that bear
grammatical relations to the verb such as direct
object, indirect object, etc. As such, they can be
viewed as expansions of nominals that bear a
grammatical relation. Five types of complement
structures will be described under the following
headings: direct quotation, indirect quotation,
■ental/verbal activity and perception, purpose eind
result, and ^ase and manner.
6.3.1 Direct quotaticxi
Direct quotation sentences are two types: (1) in
which the direct quotation clause functions as the
initial direct object of the speech verb of the
main clause; and (2) in which it is marked by a
quotation tag.
(1) The verb of the main clause of a direct
quotation sentence is a speech verb such as
maghalitcfc 'say, tell', magpastan^ 'ask', tombay
'answer' , etc. The direct quotation clause can
function as direct object of the main verb; it is
not preceded by any grammatical marker. For
example:
NaghalitS ya ganti ha makhaw ya bosis,
said NM giant OM loud Ik voice
'The giant said in a loud voice, "Kneel
"Manalimokod ka ha arapan ko."
kneel you CM front my
in front of me." '
A direct quotation clause functioning as direct
object can be pronoted to the subject relation; as
a subject, it is not preceded by any grammatical
marker. Examples are:
'Hinalit^ na konla, "Ma-in akon gintan komoyo."'
said he they exist I -Ik brought you
•He said to them, "I have brought something
for you . " '
90 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
'Pinastang na kongko, "Makano kawo morong?" '
asked he I when you go home
'He asked me, "When will you go home?"'
(2) A direct quotation clause can be marked by a
quotation tag composed of a speech noun followed by
a genitive phrase indicating the speaker. The
speech nouns are related to corresponding speech
verbs, e.g. halitit 'word', pas tang 'question',
tobay ' answe r ' . Examples of quotation tags are:
"Dapat akon manggawcl hatoy tawoy ayin
should I-lk make that-lk person-Ik none
'"I should make a person without any mistakes,"
mall," halitit nin hatoy diyos.
mistake word GM that-lk god
said the god. '
"Inhomp^ mo nayl ha ngalan nin Diyos ya hika ay
swear you QP OM name GM God you IM
' "Do you swear in the name of God that you are
talagan ibat bayri ha masitira?" pas tang nin
really-lk from here OM flowerpot question GM
really from this flowerpot?" asked the
mangongonS.
fisherman
fisherman. '
"An-ihomp& ko ya hiko ay talagan ibat bayri ha
swearing I CM I IM really-lk from here OM
'"I swear that I am really from this flowerpot,"
masitira," tobay nin ganti.
flowerpot answer GM giant
answered the giant.'
There is a specialized quotation tag ccanposed of
the form wan- 'to say' plus a genitive phrase
indicating the speaker. With personal pronouns and
personal and common nouns filling the genitive
COMPLEX SENTENCES yi
phrase, the following set of forms results:
wangko 'I said' wannawen 'we said'
wanta 'I and you(sg.) wantamo 'we and you said'
said'
wamo 'you(sg.) said' wamoyo 'you (pi.) said'
wana 'he/she said' wanla 'they said'
wana ni \ _ ,_
wani J J"3" 'Juan said'
wana nin \ , , ^. , . , ^
wanan j ^^ *^^® child said'
The quotation tag can occur preceding, following,
or internally in the direct quotation clause.
Exaunples are:
Wana nin ganti, "Agmoyna sayangen ya pana-on.
said-he GM giant not-you-now waste NM time
'Said the giant, "Don't waste time."'
"Ka-ilangan pariho tan mananem," wani Pag-ong.
necessary both we-lk plant said-Q4 Turtle
'"We must both plant," said the Turtle.'
'"Sigoro," wana, "tam& anabayti."'
maybe said-he enough now this
'"Maybe," he said, "this is enough now."'
6.3.2 Indirect quotation
An indirect quotation ccanplanent clause functions
as the initial direct object of the speech verb of
the main clause. An indirect quotation clause may
be a statement, in which case it is preceded by the
coHplement marker ^. For example:
Hay mihay mangangaho ay ampagtotol y^ nakit na hi
NM one-Ik hunter IM telling CM saw he NM
'One hunter told that he saw Maria Makiling bathing
Marian Makiling ya ampaliyb ha matag6 ya dogal.
Ik bathing OM secluded Ik place
at a secluded place.'
An indirect quotation clause can also be a
question, either a yes-no or information question
(see sec. 4.5), in which case it is preceded by the
complement marker rio. For example:
Amp ipagpas tang hila no anyay ngalan nin habaytoy
asking they CM what-NM name GM that-lk
'They were asking what the name of that place was.'
dogal.
place
An indirect quotation clause can be promoted to
the subject relation. Examples of indirectly quoted
statements functioning as subject are:
Hinalitck na y£ patyen nay otan ta agya
said he CM kill he-NM snake because not-he
'He said that he would kill the snake because he
angkalimo.
afraid
was not afraid. '
Hinalit^ na et y£ agna ya anlabiyen.
said she also CM not-she he loving
'She also said that she didn't love him.'
And examples of indirectly quoted questions
functioning as subject are:
Pinastang na no anya ya dapat nan gaw-en.
asked he CM what NM must he-Ik do
'He asked what he must do.'
Halita-en moyo kongko no makano kawo mako ha is tit.
tell you I CM when you go OM states
'Tell me when you are going to the States. '
6.3.3 Mental/verbal activity aund perception
Verbs expressing mental/verbal activity and
perception can take a complement clause that
functions as initial direct object. However, due to
COMPLEX SENTENCES
subject selection rules similiar to those stated in
sec. 4.4, direct object complement clauses of this
type are typically promoted to the subject
relation. Unless noted otherwise, the examples
below will contain complement clauses that are
functioning as derived subjects.
Verbs of mental/verbal activity and perception
accept ccxnplement clauses that are either
statements or questions. Like indirect quotation
clauses, statements are marked by ^, and questions
by no. Examples of mental/verbal activity verbs
witTr"compl«nent clauses are:
An-ihipen na ^ agya makalako ha bayli.
thinking she CM not-she able to go OM dance
'She was thinking that she wouldn't be able to go
to the dance. '
Natanda-an nin hatoy prinsipi ^ hiya bay to ay
learned GM that-lk prince CM she that IM
'The prince learned that she was Ripolyo. '
hi Ripolyo.
NM
Agnayna inintindi no anyay labay totolen nin
not-he-now understood CM what-NM want say GM
'He didn't understand the meaning of what Marta
habaytoy hinalit^ kona ni Marta
that-lk said he OI
said to him. '
Examples of perception verbs with complement
clauses are:
Natanam nin manokmanok ya amo-am6 yan
felt GM bird m little by little he-Ik
•The bird felt that little by little he was
angkalemeh.
drowning
drowning,'
Nakit na ^ ma-in anan bonga ya ha-a na.
saw he CM exist now-lk fruit NM banana his
'He saw that his banana plant had fruit now.'
Nanaynep ya no anya ya mangyari ha banowan Igorot.
dreamed he CM what NM happen (M town-GM
'He dreamed about what would happen at the Igorot
town. '
(Note that in the last example the complement
clause of the verb manaynep 'to dream' is
functioning as an initial direct object.)
Under certain conditions, verbs of mental/verbal
activity and perception may take a complement
clause that is introduced by the complement marker
nin. Only embedded statements have been found
marked by nin . Although the precise distribution of
the complement markers ^ and nin is not entirely
accounted for, certain generalizations can be made.
When a main clause and its complement clause
contain nominals or noun phrases that are
coreferential, i.e. referring to the same
participant, these noun phrases are said to be
equivalent noun phrases. For example:
Na-ihipan nin manokmanok ^ lakwen na ya pag-ong.
thought O^ bird CM go he NM turtle
•The bird thought that he would go to the turtle. '
In this sentence, the noun phrase nin manokmanok of
the main clause is coreferential with the pronoun
na in the complement clause; they are therefore
equivalent noun phrases. If the equivalent noun
phrase of the complement clause is either an
initial subject or a subject chomeur, and if the
corresponding equivalent noun phrase of the main
clause is either initial subject, derived subject,
or subject chomeur, the equivalent noun phrase in
the complement clause can be deleted. This process
will be referred to as equivalent noun phrase
deletion, or equi-NP-deletion. Whenever
COMPLEX SENTENCES
equi-NP-deletion is applied, the complement clause
must be introduced by the complement marker nin.
(This necessarily means that the complement marker
ya never introduces a clause where equi-NP-deletion
nas been applied.) For example, to compare with the
sentence above:
Na-ihipan na nin lakwen ya pag-ong.
thought he CM go NM turtle
•He thought to go to the turtle. '
In this sentence the deleted noun phrase is the
subject chOTneur of the verb lakwen , and is
equivalent to the subject chomeur of na-ihipan in
the main clause. That the equi-NPs do not have to
bear the same final grammatical relation for
deletion to apply is shown in the following example
in which the equi-NP of the main clause is a
subject chomeur and the deleted equi-NP of the
complement clause is initial subject:
Na-ihipan na nin mandam ha amigo na.
thought she CM borrow (M friend her
'She thought to borrow from her friend. '
In the following example, the equi-NP in the main
clause is a derived subject (from an initial
indirect object) and the deleted equi-NP of the
complement clause is an initial subject:
Tambayan mo ko nin mangihip.
help you I CM think
'Help me to think.'
Tinoro-an na hila nin manggawli nin ta-en.
taught he they CM make GM trap
•He taught them to make a trap. '
(Note that the complement clause in the last
example is functioning as direct object.) Other
96 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
examples of complement clauses with
equi-NP-deletion are as follows:
Naliwawan na nin bisitawen ya tanaman na.
forgot he CM visit NM plant his
•He forgot to visit his plant. '
Hay manokmanok ay natoto nin nanlabi ha mayam6
NM bird IM learned CM loved OM small
'The bird learned to love a small shrimp.'
ya olang.
Ik shrimp
Naralck yaynan kinomamat ha tawtrak.
gave up he-now-CM ran after OM trucks
'He gave up running after trucks.'
(The complement clauses in the last two examples
are functioning as direct object.)
6.3.4 Purpose and result
Cert-ain main clause verbs accept complement
clauses tliat express purpose or result. As such,
these complement clauses bear nonnuclear
grammatical relations of purpose and result.
Equi-NP-deletion obligatorily applies to all
purpose and result complement clauses; they are
therefore all introduced by the ccxnplement marker
nin . Purpose and result clauses are similar
semantically , but are grammatically distinguished
by the aspect of the verb of the complement clause:
the verb of a purpose clause is in Contemplated
aspect, and the verb of a result clause is in
Perfective aspect. For example, this sentence
contains a purpose clause:
Nako ya nin mangon^.
went he CM fish
'He went to fish. '
COMPLEX SENTENCES
but the following sentence contains a result
clause:
Nako ya nin nangonSl.
went he CM fished
'He went fishing,' or 'He went and fished.'
The difference, then, is that in the purpose
clause the occurrence of the event of fishing is
not indicated; whereas in the result clause the
occurrence of the event of fishing is indicated.
Examples of purpose complement clauses are ag
follows:
Inhogft na hila nin bowagen ya mata nin otan.
sent he they CM blind NM eyes GM snake.
•He sent them to blind the eyes of the snake. '
Ampagbalatkayo ya nin manambay ha mato-antawoy
disguising she CM help OM old-Ik
'She disguises herself to help the old wcroan
babayi ya ampangayo.
woman Ik gathering firewood
gathering firewood.'
An-igwil nay kaganawan kaya na nin magsirbi
giving he-NM all-Ik strength his CM serve
'He gives all his strength to serve all their
ha kaganawan pawpanganga-ilangan la.
OM all-Ik needs their
needs. '
Examples of result complement clauses are:
Hi Kalapati ay nako nin nanikap ma-ekan ha ambay
NM Dove IM went CM looked food OM shore
•The Dove went and looked for food at the sea
dagat.
sea
shore. '
98 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Impowayo nay nan gintan koni Marta.
ran he-now-CM took OM
•He ran and took (it) to Marta.'
Nako ya run nagtagft ha kolon ongot ya ma- in lobot.
went he CM hid OM shell coconut Ik exist hole
•He went and hid in a coconut shell with a hole.'
6.3.5 Phase and manner
Certain main clause verbs that express phase and
manner accept ccxnplement clauses. The ccxnplonent
clauses are initial direct objects, and can be
prcanoted to subject. Equi-NP-deletion obligatorily
applies to the complanent clause. The following
examples are of complement clauses with main verbs
that express inceptive phase:
Nag-ompisa ya nin tok token ya kawayan.
began he CM peck NM bamboo
'He began to peck the beimboo. '
Inompisawan nan inolot ya dawdikot.
began he-CM pull NM grass
'He began to pull the grass.'
(Note that the verbs of the complement clauses are
in Contemplated aspect.) Examples of complement
clauses with main verb that express manner are:
Nanandali yan naglako ha pag-ong.
hurried he-CM went OM turtle
•Hurrying, he went to the turtle.'
Hi Ikay boy hi Tino ay nilcmb^ nin nako ha polta.
NM and NM IM raced CM went CM door
•Racing, Ikay and Tino went to the door.'
(Note that the verbs of the complanent clauses are
in Perfective aspect.)
COMPLEX SENTENCES :,:»
6.3.6 Clausal predicates
A clausal predicate is a clause embedded to
function as a predicate. A clausal predicate always
takes a subject noun phrase, which is typically a
nominalized construction (see sec. 5.1.5). The
subject noun phrase expresses a generic concept of
which the clausal predicate is its specific
content. The most common subjects of clausal
predicates are pro-verbs like 'do' and 'happen'.
Examples are:
Hay ginaw^ ni hyh ay kinyat nay bitih nin
NM did QA Ant IM bit he-NM foot GM
'What the Ant did was, he bit the foot of
hatoy mamamaril.
that-lk hunter
of that hunter . '
Hay ginawS ni Manok ay nandam yan hinghing
NM did GM Chicken IM borrowed she-GM ring
'What the chicken did was, she borrowed a ring
boy kolinta.
and beads
and some beads . '
Hay nangyari ay natinay lalaki.
NM happened IM died-now-NM man
'What happened was, the man died.'
Note that whenever a sentence contains a clausal
predicate, sentence inversion (see sec. 4.9)
obligatorily applies, placing the subject phrase
before the clausal predicate. Other examples of
clausal predicates are as follows:
Hay na-ihipan la ay mipowayo hila.
NM thought they IM elope they
'What they thought was that they would elope.'
100 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Hay tand& na ay ampanggaw& yan ma-alag^ boy
Nm know he IM creating he-GM valuable and
'What he knew was that he was creating a valuable
important! ya bagay.
important Ik thing
and important thing.'
Hay an-ipamahang nan masyado ay no antck pati
NM making angry he-Ik very IM CM why even
•What was making him very angry was why Juan
pali ya antomob6 ay inolot ni Juan,
rice Ik sprouting IM pulled up GM
pulled up even rice that was sprouting."
Note that in the last example the clausal predicate
has the form of an embedded question and is
preceded by the question complement marker no (see
sec. 6.3.2) .
TEXTUAL COHESION
CHAPTER 7
TEXTUAL COHESION
Textual cohesion is how events and participants
in a text relate to other events and participants
already menticxied in the text. The devices that
signal cohesive relations generally operate between
sentences, rather than within sentences. Three
types of textual cohesion will be described
here: temporal cc^esicn, logical cc^besion, and
participant cohesicxi.
In Sambal, the two primary cohesive devices used
to signal temporal and logical cohesion are linkage
and connectives. Linkage is a device that connects
sentences by means of a sentence-initial clause or
phrase that repeats or refers to information
already mentioned in a preceding sentence. In other
words, information that is introduced in a sentence
is repeated in a grammatically dependent
constituent to provide a link or departure point
for the next sentence. Temporal, logical, and
participant cohesion each use linkage devices.
Ccxinectives are conjunctions and adverbs that
make explicit the temporal and logical relations
between sentences. Unlike linkage devices, they do
not contain redundant information. But like linkage
devices, most of them do occur sentence-initially.
Participant cohesion is signaled by coreference
and pronominalization. It also uses a type of
lexical linkage here called topical ization.
Since the corpus used for this study consisted
almost entirely of folktales, the following
analysis of textual cohesion applies primarily to
narrative text.
Whenever an example is given below that comprises
two or more successive sentences, they will be
labeled A, B, etc. Also, the cohesive device being
described will be underlined in the excunples.
7.1 Temporal ccrfiesion
7.1.1 Tenporal linkage
There are two types of temporal linkage clauses:
(1) temporal adverbial clauses (see sec. 6.2), and
(2) nonfinite dependent temporal clauses formed by
affixing a verb root with pamak a - , pang a -, pami- ,
or pan-...-om-, all of which mean 'when something
is don e/ f i nTs hed ' or 'upon doing something*. All
temporal linkage clauses occur in sentence- initial
position and are connected to the main clause by
the inversion marker aj^ or a phonological pause
(see sec. 4.9) .
In its simplest form, a linkage clause exactly
repeats the verb and participants of the preceding
sentence or clause:
A. Nowayo yaynan noway o angga ha nibarak ya.
ran he-now-lk ran until fell down he
'He ran and ran until he fell down.'
B. Hin nibarak ya ay na-ihipan na bay to ya
when fell down he IM thought he that Ik
'When he had fallen down, he thought of what
hinalitS kona ni Nanay na.
told he GM Mother his
his mother had told him.'
In this example, the temporal linkage clause in
sentence B is a subordinate clause beginning with
the conjunction hin 'when, after' (see sec.
6.2.1(1)). The function of linkage clauses in
examples like the above is to make explicit the
temporal relation between two events, thereby
effecting a smooth transition between sentences.
In narrative text, a temporal linkage clause uses
the subordinating conjunction hin , as in the
example above. In procedural text, however, a
temporal linkage clause uses the conjunction no
'when, if (see sec. 6.2.2). The conjunction _no
indicates that the events are part of a generalized
TEXTUAL (XJHESICN
sequence of events, i.e. a procedure; they are not
specific events being reported as in a narrative
text. For example:
A. Primiro nan gaw-en ay manlinis yan
first he-Ik does IM cleans he-GM
'The first thing he does is, he cleans his
dalakerekan na biha na ararowen.
seed bed his then he plows
seed bed and then he plows it. '
B. No na-araro nayna ay balhawen na. _
when plowed he-now IM harrows he
'When he has plowed it, he harrows it.'
In this example, the main verbs are in Contemplated
aspect, indicating generalized events: manlinis
'cleans', ararowen 'plow', and balhawen 'harrows' .
The verb in the linkage clause, however, is in
Perfective aspect, indicating that the action of
plowing is completed before the harrowing begins.
Also, the enclitic adverb -ana 'now, already' (see
sec. 5.2.1) indicates that the action of the
linkage clause is completed prior to the action of
the main clause.
Linkage is much more frequent in procedural text
than in narrative text. Folktale texts in the
corpus seldom had more than three or four temporal
linkage clauses per text, whereas the procedural
text that the above example came from had thirteen
linkage clauses in thirty-two sentences.
Two sentences connected by temporal linkage do
not have to be contiguous. In the next example,
sentence C is connected to sentence A by means of
the underlined linkage clause; the intervening
sentence B gives descriptive and collateral
information that does not advance the sequence of
events. The linkage clause, then, functions to
104
BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
connect the sequence of events started in A and
continued in C.
A. Namapakanawa yan napakarani ta iniw& nay
slowly he-Ik approached and cut he-NM
'Slowly he approached and cut his Mother's
nebneb ni Nanay na biha na kinway pos6 na.
chest GM Mother his then he got-NM heart her
chest and then he got her heart. '
B. Ampan-angaw hi Nanay nay ampananam hakit
crying NM Mother his-lk feeling pain
'His Mother was crying and feeling pain until
anggan nati ya; piro ah& inintindi
until died she but not paid attention
she died but Andres didn't pay attention
bay to ni Andres,
that (3i
to that.'
nin nanay na ay
C. Hin nakwa nayna ya pos6
when got he- now NM heart GM mother HTs IM
'When he had gotten his Mother's heart, he ran
impowayo naynan gintan koni Marta.
ran he-now-CM took OM
and took it to Marta.
Besides simple repetition, temporal linkage
clauses can express an event that is implied by or
expected from the preceding context. In the
following example, the action of eloping in
sentence A is not reported as having taken place,
but is only being contemplated (hence the verb is
in Contemplated aspect) . Since the implication or
expectation is that the elopement will take place,
the linkage clause in sentence B refers to the
elopement as a completed action that then leads to
the main event reported in the main clause of the
sentence.
TEXTUAL COHESION
A. Hay na-ihipan la ay mipowayo hila.
NM thought they IM elope they
'What they thought was that they would elope. '
B. Hin nayarl hilan nipowayo ay pinarosawan
When finished they-CM eloped IM punished
'When they had eloped, they were punished.'
hilayna.
they-now
A temporal linkage clause can express the
expected result of a previous event by using a
different verb:
A. "Mako tayna," wani Bak&.
go we-now said-Q4 Monkey
'"Let's go," said the Monkey.'
B. Panlonateng la do ay nakit layna ya
arriving tHey tRere IM saw they-now CM
'Upon arriving there, they saw that the
nawot6 anay ha- a.
ripened now-NM banana
bananas had ripened.'
A. "Anlabiyen kon Arl," wana, "hay rayna ay
beloved my-lk King said-he NM queen IM
'"My beloved King," he said, "the queen is not
ayin do ha kowarto na."
none there OM room her
in her room."'
B. Pamakaleng^ nin arl ha hinalitet nin gowardya
hearing GM king OM said GM guard
'The king, upon hearing what the guard said,
ay naliwawan nayna ya mi ting la.
IM forgot he-now NM meeting their
forgot their meeting.'
In the two examples just given, the verb go expects
arrive, and say expects hear . This relation of
expectancy between a sentence and a subsequent
linkage clause can become even more abstract; but
the content of the linkage clause must be inferable
from either the preceding context or frcxn general
cultural knowledge. For example, in a text about
growing rice, certain stages of the process such as
sprouting, turning yellow, and so on are reported
only in linkage clauses; the speaker is assuming
that the hearer can infer these things from his
knowledge of the real world.
7.1.2 Temporal connectives
Temporal connectives can be time adverbs (see
sec. 5.2.3(2)) such as ika-ibokahan 'next day',
nalabah ya ongnoy bowan * after a few months ' , and
so on. Tney signal the temporal sequence between
sentences. For example:
A. Hiniling nay biyan yan ball ya malhay.
wished he-CM give he-GM house Ik large
'He wished that he would be given a large house.'
B. Ikabayombokah , nabigl^ hila.
next morning surprised they
'The next morning, they were surprised.'
Temporal connectives also function as settings that
connect successive episodes in a narrative:
Mi hay alio ay bigl3k dinomeglem ya langit.
one-Ik day IM suddenly darkened NM sky
•One day, the sky suddenly darkened.'
Other temporal connectives are sentence
conjunctions, such as biha 'then', totongna 'then,
immediately', pangayarl 'after', then, next', and
TEXTUAL COHESION 107
hapa-eg 'now, then*. Examples are:
A. Pinakakokortiyan nan mahampat ban& ta hay
shaped he-Ik well because NM
'He shaped it well because he knew that he was
tandcl na ay ampanggawS yan ma-alag^ boy
know he IM making he-GM valuable and
making a valuable and important thing.'
important! ya bagay.
important IK thing
B. Biha pinaklang na ha apoy baytoy kinorti
then dried he OM fire that-lk shaped
'Then he dried in the fire what he shaped from
nay pitcl.
he-Ik mud
mud. '
The connective totongna indicates a sequence of
events with no lapse of time between them:
A. Nangihip hi Anggalo.
thought NM
'Anggalo thought. '
B. Totongna , biglck yan nireng.
then suddenly he-Ik stood up
'Then, he suddenly stood up. '
A. Nangwa yan dawdowih ta inggaw^ na ha
got he-GM thorns and placed he OM
'He got some thorns and placed them around
mamalibot po-on ha -a.
around trunk banana
the banana trunk.'
B. Pangayarl , nako yan nag tag 6 ha kolon ongot
after went he-CM hid OM shell coconut
'After, he went and hid in a coconut shell with
ya ma-in loh»ot.
Ik exist hole
a hole in it. '
108 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
The connective hapa-eg , while included here as
temporal connective, has a broader function than
the other temporal connectives. Like the temporal
connectives described above, hapa-eg can be used to
indicate temporal sequence between sentences. But
there are many occurrences of hapa-eg where it
cannot be interpreted as signaling the temporal
sequence of events in a narrative. In these
instances it is marking a transition in the text,
such as between episodes, between plot
constituents, between conversation and narrative,
and between event and nonevent information. For
example:
A. Agya ampangan kanayon ya pamamangan no alwan
not-she eating other Ik food if not-lk
'She didn't eat any other food except cabbage.'
ripolyo.
cabbage
B. Hapa-eg , ban^ ha ka-irapan la ay ayin
now because OM poverty their IM none
'Now, because of their poverty, they had no
hilan sintimos ya pirrain panaliw ripolyo.
they-lk money Ik always-lk buying cabbage
money for always buying cabbage. '
These two sentences do not report any events, only
descriptions or states of affairs; the connective
hapa-e g , then, cannot be signaling temporal
sequence between events. Rather, hapa-eg is marking
the transition between plot constituents: the
setting, which ends in sentence A, and the
complication, which begins in sentence B.
In the next example, the text has related a
sequence of events culminating with sentence A.
Sentence B starts a new episode with the
introduction of a new participant. This transition
is signaled by hapa-eg : ;
A. Nagpatoloy hila et ha pagtrabaho, ta
continued they still OM working and
'They continued working and made a canal.'
nanggawS hila nin kanal.
made they GM canal
B. Hapa-eg / ma- in malhay ya otan ya ampa-iri
now exist large Ik snake Ik living
'Now, there was a large snake living there on
bayro ha bakil. _
there OM mountain
the mountain. '
In the next example, hapa-eg signals the
transition from direct quotation to narration:
A. Wana nin ganti, "Mamill ka no anyay labay
said-he GM giant choose you CM what-NM want
'The giant said, "Choose how you want to die."'
mo nin pangamati."
you GM death
B. Hapa-eg hay mangongoncl ay nangihip.
now NM fisherman IM thought
'Now, the fisherman thought. '
In this last example, the connective hapa-eg could
be interpreted in a temporal sense, in which case
sentence B could be translated, 'Then the fisherman
thought.' But even if the temporal interpretation
is correct here, it is still true that the hapa-eg
is here used at a transition point where other
temporal connectives may not be appropriate.
7.2 Logical cohesion
7.2.1 Logical linkage
Sentence-initial nontemporal adverbial clauses
frequently function as linkage clauses. Like
temporal linkage clauses, logical linkage clauses
110 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
contain redundant information, i.e. information
that is either repeated or inferable from the
preceding context. (Note, however, that not all
instances of sentence-initial nont«nporal adverbial
clauses are linkage clauses.) Causal and concessive
(see sec. 6.2.3 and 6.2.5) are the most frequent
types of logical linkage clauses. Examples are:
A. An-ihipen na ya agya makalako ha bayli
thinking she CM not-she able to go OH dance
'She was thinking that she couldn't go to the
ta ay in ya nin alahas.
because none she Ik jewelry
dance because she had no jewelry.'
B. Hapa-eg, harih ta ayin yan hinghing ay
now because none she-Ik ring IM
'Now, because she had no ring, she thought to
na-ihipan na nin mandam ha amigo na ya ma- in
thought she CM borrow OM friend her Ik exist
borrow from her friend who had much jewelry. '
malak^ ya alahas.
much Ik jewelry
A. Maliga ya no mayarl raatamnan ya paliyan na.
happy he when finish plant NM paddy his
'He is happy when he finishes planting his
paddy. '
B. Piro maski nayarl van namatanem
but although finished he-CM caused to plant
'But although he has finished planting, he
ay ma-in ya et simprin trabaho.
IM exist he still anyway-lk work
still has work. '
7.2.2 Logical connectives
Logical connectives signal the logical relation
between sentences. Grammatically, logical
connectives can be sentence conjunctions or
TEXTUAL COHESION 111
enclitic adverbs. In Sainbal, logical connectives
are used to indicate the relations of adversative,
result, and inference.
(1) The adversative relation draws a contrast
between two situations, frequently accanpanied by
an element of contraexpectation. The adversative
relation is signaled by the connectives piro and
balfe 'but, however'. These same words are used as
coordinating conjunctions that form ccanplex
sentences (see sec. 6.1(3)); in their use as
connectives, however, they relate one sentence to
another, and even units larger than a sentence to
each other.
The connective piro occurs sentence-initially. In
the following example, piro is connecting two
sentences:
A. Hin nakwa nayna ya pos6 nin nanay na ay
when got he-now NM heart GM mother his IM
'When he had gotten his mother's heart, he ran
impowayo naynan gintan koni Marta.
ran he-now-CM took CM
and took it to Marta. '
B. Piro panlomateng na ha bali li Marta ay
but arriving he CM house Gfl IM
'But upon arriving at Marta' s house, she just
kina-iliyan na yan bongat.
laughed she he-Ik only
laughed at him. '
(Note that sentence B also has a temporal linkage
clause.)
The connective piro can also connect a sentence
with a preceding unit larger than a single
sentence. For example, one text in the corpus
begins with a description of the good traits of a
dog named Tagpl. This takes up the first four
112 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
sentences of the text; then the fifth -sentence
says:
Piro hi Tagpt ay ma-in ogali ya alwan mahampat,
but NM IM exist habit Ik not-lk gocxJ
'But Tagpi had a habit that was not good. '
Clearly, this sentence is in contrast to the first
four sentences as a unit, not to any single
sentence. Also, in relation to the plot structure
of the text, this adversative connective marks the
complication of the narrative.
The adversative connective bal^ functions the
same as piro . Grammatically, however, bal^ differs
in that it can occur either sentence- initially or
sentence-medially. When sentence-medial, it occurs
after the first full word and any enclitics. For
example:
A. Natinay lalaki hin anti ya bongat ha
died-now-NM man when loc he only OM
'The man died when he was only half-way up
pigitna-an bakil.
middle mountain
the mountain. '
B. Hay babayi bal^ ay ni-abot ha babd biha
NM wcrnian however IM arrived OM top before
'The woman, however, reached the top before
ya nati.
she died
she died. '
(2) The result relation is indicated by the
connective kay^ 'so, therefore". Occurring
sentence-ini tially , kaycl marks the result of a
cause or reason given in the preceding sentence or
context. For example:
TEXTUAL COHESION 113
A. Ban& ha ka-irapan la ay ayin hilan
because OM poverty their IM none they-lk
•Because of their poverty, they had no money
sintimos ya pirmin panaliw ripolyo.
money Ik always -Ik buying cabbage
for always buying cabbage.'
B. Kay It yabiyabi, hi Nanay na ay ampakon
so every night NM Mother her IM going -CM
'So every night her Mother would go steal
manakaw ripolyo.
steal cabbage
cabbage. '
A. Hay pahang ni Lawin koni Manok.
NM anger GM Hawk OM Chicken
'How angry the Hawk was at the Chicken.'
B. Kay^ hay ginawS na ay inhomp^ na hi Manok.
so NM did she IM cursed she NM Chicken
'So what she did was, she cursed the Chicken. '
Like the adversative connectives described above,
the result connective kay^ can relate a sentence to
a preceding unit of several sentences. For example,
in the text 'Why the Turtle has a House' (see the
Appendix) , sentences eighteen to twenty report the
thoughts of the turtle about what would happen if
he let the bird and all its companions enter his
house. The next sentence, twenty-one, says:
Kay^ hinalit^ na, "Agkatawo ma-art palo-oben."'
so said he not-I-you able let enter
'So he said, "I cannot let you enter."'
The content of this sentence is the result of what
happened in the preceding three sentences as a
whole .
(3) The inference relation is signaled by the
enclitic adverb awod 'so, therefore, then' (see
sec. 5.2.1). As a sentence connective, awod marks
the conclusion that has been inferred frcMn grounds
or premises given in the preceding context. There
is no causal relation involved; it is strictly a
logical inference. In the text from which the
following example is taken, two children have been
trying to guess what their father has in his
pocket. This sequence then occurs:
A. Ma-in naggalaw ha lal^ bolha nin baro ni
exist moved OM inside pocket GM shirt GM
'Something moved inside their Father's shirt
Tatay la.
Father their
pocket. '
Totongna, intongangaw ya olo ta tinegteg hila.
suddenly raised NM head and looked they
'Suddenly it raised its head and looked at them.'
B. "Ay I" wanla, "towfe awod."
said-they puppy so
'"Ay!" they said, "so it's a puppy."'
In other words, based on their observation, they
concluded that what was in the pocket was a puppy.
In the next example, the Monkey is threatening the
Turtle with revenge. The Monkey first says that he
will chop up the Turtle; then this exchange occurs:
A. "No tad tar en mo ko," wani Pag-ong,
if chop up you I said-GM Turtle
'"If you chop me up," said the Turtle,
"sigoradon lomak^ ako."
surely-lk multiply I
"I will surely multiply."'
B. "Bayowen kata awod," wani Bak^.
pound I -you then said-Gm Monkey
'"Then I will pound you," said the Monkey.'
The Monkey concludes that if the Turtle will just
multiply himself from being chopped up, he had
better pound him instead.
TEXTUAL (COHESION 115
7.2.3 ParallellsB
Parallelism is a logical cohesive device that is
signaled by the enclitic adverb itaman (see sec.
5.2.1) . Itaman indicates that the sentence in which
it occurs is syntactically or semantically parallel
to another sentence in the preceding context. Two
parallel sentences do not have to be contiguous.
Types of parallelism relations that can hold
between sentences include similarity, contrast, and
reciprocity.
When a parallelism of similarity holds between
two sentences, itaman can usually be translated
'also'. For example:
A. Nangihip hi Tin6.
thought NM
'TinS thought. '
B. Nangihip itaman hi Ikay.
thought also NM
'Ikay also thought.'
The next example also expresses similarity, but of
a more ccmplex sort than the first example:
A. Hi Ay§k ay napakil banSl ha pangakot nan
NM Ant IM tired because OM gathering his-GM
'The Ant was tired because of gathering his
pamamangan na.
food his
food. '
B. Hi Kalapati ay ampilopadlopad itaman bancl ta
NM Dove IM flying also because
'The Dove was flying around also because he was
mabitil ya.
hungry he
hungry. '
In this example, there are no shared lexical items
between the sentences; hence the awkwardness of the
116 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
English translation with 'also'. The similarity
intended here is between the general activities of
the Ant and the Dove: they were both looking for
food.
When a parallelism of contrast holds between two
sentences, itaman can be translated 'in contrast',
or 'on the other hand', although these expressions
are usually awkward in a free translation. For
exampl e :
A. Hay kanayon ay ampaghalitik nin hay ball na ay
NM others IM saying CM NM house her IM
'The others were saying that her house was a
pagkaganday palasyo ya mahawang.
very beautiful-Ik palace Ik bright
very beautiful, bright palace.'
B. Kanayon ay ampaghalitS itaman ya nakakit
others IM saying in contrast CM saw
•In contrast, others were saying that they only
hilan bongat nin hawong.
they- Ik only GM hut
saw a hut. '
When a reciprocal relation is intended between
two sentences, itaman defies consistent translation
into English; it simply signals a parallelism. For
example:
A. Hay lalaki ay nambin galang ha babayi.
NM man IM gave respect OM woman
'The man gave respect to the woman.'
B. Binalay itaman nin babayi bayti ya lalaki.
recognized GM woman this Ik man
'And the woman recognized the man. '
The next example illustrates a reciprocal relation
that is reinforced by the syntactic parallelism of
both sentences having clausal predicates preceded
by the nominalized form ha y ginaw^. . . 'what. ..did'
(see sec. 6.3.6) :
TEXTUAL COHESION
A. Hay ginaw^ ni Kalapati ay nanoktok yan belong
NM did GM Dove IM picked up he-GM leaf
'What the Dove did was, he picked up a tree leaf
kayo ta intata na koni Ay&.
tree and dropped he OM Ant
and dropped it to the Ant. '
B. Hay ginaw^ itaman ni AyS ay nagbangkck ya bayro
NM did GM Ant IM rode he there
•And then what the Ant did was, he rode on the
ha bolong kayo.
(M leaf tree
tree leaf. '
7.3 Participeint cohesion
The introduction and tracing of participants
gives a text participant cohesion. After the
participants of a text are introduced, they must be
subsequently identified in such a way that it is
always clear which participant is being referred
to. Participants can be identified either by a
coreferential noun phrase or by a pronoun.
Topicalization, a type of lexical linkage, also
provides participant cohesion.
7.3.1 Introduction of participants
Narrative folktale texts begin with a setting
and/or introduction of major participants. In
mythical or etiological folktales that start with
the Sambal equivalent of 'once upon a time', major
participants are introduced by an existential (see
sec. 3.3(6)). For example:
Hin onay pana-on ay ma- in mihay mato-antawo
when first-Ik time IM exist one-Ik old
'Once upon a time, there was an old fisherman. '
ya mangongon^ .
Tl< fisherman
118 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
When the major participants of a mythical folktale
are well-known animals, they can be introduced by
definite noun phrases;
Hin onay pana-on, hi Manok boy hi Law in ay
when first-Ik time NM Chicken and NM Hawk IM
'Once upon a time, the Chicken and the Hawk were
mita-amigo.
friends
friends.*
In folktales that have a contemporary setting (i.e.
they are not mythical), the major participants can
be introduced by their proper names, usually
accompanied by a descriptive identification of
them:
Hi Lam-ang ya bayani nin Mayanan ay anak ni
NM Ik hero GM North IM child GM
•Lam-ang, the hero of the North, was the son of
Don Juan, Panganiban boy Namongan.
and
Don Juan, Panganiban and Namongan. '
After the introduction of the first participants,
other participants can be introduced by relating
them to the participants already mentioned. For
example:
Hay plnakfunahene nan amigo ay manokmanok .
NM closest his-lk friend IM bird
'His closest friend was a bird. '
In this example, the new participant, the bird, is
introduced as the closest friend of the turtle, who
has been already mentioned in the story. Often this
strategy of introduction relies on an inferential
link; for example:
A. Ma- in mipinghan primiro ya ampiparamag.
exist cousins first Ik courting
'There were first cousins who were courting
each other. '
TEXTUAL COHESION 119
B. Hay mavrntato-antawo la ay ahS pomayag ha
NM parents "EHeir NM not permit (M
'Their parents wouldn't permit their desire.'
kalabayan la.
desire their
Although this is the first mention of the parents,
they are identified by a definite noun phrase. This
is possible only because the hearer is able to
infer that the cousins would have parents who would
be expected to bear influence on their courtship.
Other examples of this inferential strategy- include
the introduction of entities that are assumed to be
universally known, such as God, the sky, the sea,
and so on.
Other participants are introduced by an
indefinite noun phrase. For example:
Hi Nanay na ay ampakon manakaw ripolyo ha
NM Mother her IM going-CM steal cabbage OM
'Her Mother would go to steal cabbage from the
tanaman nin mihay mangkokolam .
garden GM caie-lk witch
garden of a witch. '
Nalimowan ya mangongonik hin nakit na ya mihay
frightened NM fisherman when saw he NM one-Ik
'The fisherman was frightened when he saw a
ganti .
giant
giant. '
In the last example, the new participant, the
giant, is introduced in a subject noun phrase.
Since subjects are typically definite in reference
(see sec. 3.2(1)), the determiner miha 'one' must
be inserted in order to make this first mention of
'giant' explicitly indefinite. Because the
introduction of the giant is a salient point in the
story, the noun phrase containing 'giant' is
selected as subject in spite of its being
indefinite (see sec. 4.4 on subject Selection).
Occasionally a minor participant is introduced by
a definite noun phrase, especially a proper name,
that is modified by an indefinite appositional noun
phrase. For example:
Napati na hi Sumaran , mihay nabig6 ya
killed he NM one-Ik disappointed Ik
'He killed Sumaran, a disappointed suitor.'
amparamag.
courting
7.3.2 Tracing participants
As a general rule, after a participant has been
introduced in a text, it can be subsequently
identified by a pronoun except where an ambiguity
would result, in which case a coreferential noun
phrase must be used. Several refinements of this
rule can be made.
The second identification of a participant has
r>ome special characteristics. (1) If two or more
participants are introduced at the same time, the
second indentif ication of each participant will use
a noun phrase. For example:
A. Mita-amigo ya ayS boy kalapati.
friends NM ant and dove
'The ant and the dove were- friends . '
B. Mihay alio, hi Ay^ ay napakil banik ha
one-Ik day NM Ant IM tired because OM
'One day, the Ant was tired because of
pangakot nan pamamangan na.
gathering his-NM food his
gathering his food.'
A. Ma-in mita-anak.
exist parent and child
•There was a parent and child.
TEXTUAL CDHESIC»i j-^-l
B. Hay ngalan nin anak ay Andres.
NM name GM child IM
•The name of the child was Andres. '
In the last example, the word mita-anak in sentence
A is a derived noun designating two people in a
reciprocal relationship (see sec. 2.1.7(4)); in
sentence B, then, a specific noun must be used to
identify only one of the participants.
(2) The second identification of a participant
can be a repetition of the head noun modified by a
deictic pronoun (see sec. 2.3.1). For example:
A. Ma- in malhay ya otan ya ampa-iri bayro ha
exist large Ik snake Ik living there OM
•There was a large snake living there on the
bakil.
mountain
mountain. '
B. Habayti ya otan ay ma-in pi toy oloy
this Ik snake IM exist seven-Ik head-Ik
'This snake had seven, frightening heads.'
kapapalimo.
frightening
The use of the deictic modifier has the effect of
reinforcing the identification and drawing
attention to that particular participant. Note that
this use of the deictic pronoun is not spatial, but
linguistic. The example above is not interpreted as
'this snake which is nearby me', but rather 'this
snake which I have just mentioned*.
If none of the above situations applies to the
second identification of a participant, then the
general rule holds that a pronoun is used for
identification. For example:
A. Hin onay pana-on, maligan maliga ya
when first-Ik time happy-Ik happy NM
'Once upon a time, the turtle was very happy.'
pag-ong.
turtle
B. Pirml van ampan-imih; alwa
always ne-lk smiling not Tie-Ik
'He always smiled; he wasn't shy.'
marereng-eyen.
shy
There is a qualification of the first point above:
if two or more participants are introduced at the
same time, the second identification can be
pronominal if it identifies the participants as a
group. For exan^le:
A. Ma-in kowinto ya tongkol koni Pag-ong boy koni
exist story Ik about OM Turtle and OM
•There is a story about the Turtle and the
Bak&.
Monkey
Monkey . '
B. Mihay alio, nako hi Ia n nagpasyal.
one-Ik day went they-CM walked
'One day, they went walking.'
Subsequent identifications of a participant can
be done pronominal ly except where there is a
possibility of ambiguity. It is the speaker who
must decide whether or not a given instance of a
pronoun identification would be ambiguous, and his
decision is largely based on his estimation of the
hearer's ability to recover the referent of a
pronoun from the linguistic context, the
situational context, or shared cultural experience.
In some instances, however, a noun phrase is used
to identify a participant even though there is no
possible chance of ambiguity; for example, in a
text with only one participant. It may be that
these noun phrase identifications correlate with
seme larger grammatical constituents such as
paragraphs. Or, there may be a pragmatic
consideration that the hearer needs to have a
unique identification of a participant periodically
reintroduced into his consciousness so that he will
TEXTUAL COHESION 123
not lose track of whom the text Is talking about.
But for whatever reason a speaker uses a noun
phrase to identify a participant, there are several
types of coreferential noun phrase identifications
he can use. (1) The head noun can be repeated. If
the introduction of a participant included
descriptive modifiers, subsequent identifications
can be just the head noun without the modifiers.
For exan^le, a participant introduced like this:
hi Lam-ang ya bay an i nin Mayanan
NM Ik hero GM North
•Lam-ang, the hero of the North'
will subsequently be identified as just hi Lam-ang
• Lam-ang ' .
(2) An identical head noun can be modified by a
deictic pronoun. The second identification of a
participant is the most common instance of this
(see above) . The deictic identification is also
used when a participant is reintroduced in a story
after being off-stage for a while. Otherwise, the
deictic is used to make an identification more
definite or prominent.
(3) A participant can be identified by a
coreferential noun ptitase that has a different head
noun. For exeui^le, in one folktale text there are
two participants first identified as a bird and a
shrimp, who get married to each other. Besides
subsequent identifications of them as 'the bird'
and 'the shrimp', they are also both identified as
'her spouse (husband)' and 'his spouse (wife)',
depending on the viewpoint of the action. Also,
they are identified collectively as^. ' these
newly-weds ' .
7.3.3 Toplcalization
Topicalization interacts with the system of
participant identification to provide thematic
cohesion in a text. Topicalization is a process
which selects one of the participants of a sentence
as the topic of that sentence. Grammatically, this
124 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
is done by means of sentence inversion (see sec.
4.9), which takes a noun phrase out of its normal
place in the sentence and places it in
pre-predicate position. Although several different
sentence constituents can be fronted, subjects are
by far the most frequent sentence topics.
Thematlcally, sentence topics represent what is
being talked about in a sentence. A sentence topic
tends to be given or predictable information; the
rest of the sentence asserts relatively new
information about the topic. Similar to other types
of linkage described earlier in this chapter,
sentence topics are a type of lexical linkage that
repeat an element from a preceding sentence, thus
providing the theme or point of departure for the
next sentence.
Sentence topics in Sambal can be found
functioning in the following textual environments.
(1) A participant introduced by a definite noun
phrase can be topicalized:
Hi K^ Rosa ay pinakamayaman ya bawo ha banowa.
NM IM richest Ik widow OM town
'K& Rosa was the richest widow in town.'
(See also sec. 7.3.1)
(2) A participant can be topicalized when it is
identified the second time, especially in a
descriptive sentence:
A. Ma- in ganti ha probinsyan Ilokos ya hay ngalan
exist giant OM province-GM Ik NM name
'There was a giant in Ilokos province whose
ay Anggalo.
TM
name was Anggalo. '
B. Hi Anggalo ay pinakamalhay ya ganti,
NM IM largest Ik giant
'Anggalo was a very large giant. '
(See also sec. 7.3.2)
TEXTUAL OOHESICW
(3) When the focus of attention in a narrative
changes to another participant, that participant
can be topicalized. This frequently coincides with
temporal and logical connectives:
Piro hi. Pag-ong ay ah& na-ingalo ha aw-a-akayen ni
but NM Turtle IM not pitied CM fledglings GM
'But the Turtle did not pity the Bird's
Manokmanok .
Bird
fledglings. '
Hapa-eg, hi Ripolyo ay nag-in katow^ ya papwak.
now NM IM became ugly Ik frog
'Now, Ripolyo became an ugly frog. '
(4) A series of things being described can be
topicalized:
Hay katat na ay kayoroanggi; hay gawgamet boy
NM skin her IM brown NM hands and
'Her skin is brown; her hands and feet are small,
bawbitih na ay mangayam6, boy hay lopa na ay
feet her IM small and NM face hir IM
and her face is always serious.'
pirmin pormal.
always-lk serious
(5) Sentences connected by parallelism (see sec.
7.2,3) can have sentence topics:
A. Hay tog tog en nin lalak i ay kolibaw.
NM play GM man IM Jew's harp
'What the man was to play was a Jew's harp.'
B. Hay babay i itaman ay manogtog nin belong odyong .
NM woman also IM play GM (bamboo wind
instrument)
'And the woman was to play a bolongodyong . '
126 BOTOLAN SAMBAL GRAMMATICAL SKETCH
Closely related to parallelism are adversative
sentences which contrast two topicalized
participants:
Hi Law in ay mayaman, piro hi Manok ay ma-irap.
!lM Hawk IM rich but NM Chicken IM poor
'The Hawk was rich, but the Chicken was poor."
There is at least one use of topicalization that
is more pragmatic than thematic. If a sentence has
a very long predicate but a short subject, the
subject can be topicalized. For example:
Hiya ay malag6 ya babayi ya ampa-iri ha
she IM young Ik woman Ik living OM
'She is a young woman who lives on a beautiful
maganday bakil ya piha-etan nin probinsyan
beautiful-Ik mountain Ik middle GM province-GM
mountain between the provinces of Laguna and
Laguna boy Tayabas.
and
Tayabas . '
In this sentence, in order to avoid having the
short subject come at end of a long and complex
sentence, the subject has been tc^icalized.
GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF BOTOLAN SAMBAL
Evan L. Antworth
Sunnier Institute of Linguistics
Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines
iDITORIAL BOARD
:ditor: Andrew B.
Associate Editors :
Review Editor:
Managing Editor:
Business Manager;
Gonzales, FSC, De La Salle University
Fe T. Otanes, Philippine Normal College
Bonifacio P. Sibayan, Philippine Normal College
Lawrence A. Reid, University of Hawaii
Gloria Chan-Yap, Ateneo de Manila University
Teresita C. Rafael, De La Salle University
Ma. Teresita R. Martin-Palo, Ateneo de Manila
University
Copywright 1979 by the Linguistic Society of the Philippines
All rights reserved. Published 1979.
Composed at the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Printed by Marshbum Press (FEBC) Inc.
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